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Reading Robinson: Companion Essays to George Robinson’s Friendly Mission


Notes

1. READING FRIENDLY MISSION IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY: AN INTRODUCTION

1 See Anderson and Dennis in this volume.

2 Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Sydney, Macleay Press, 2002.

3 Curr, Edward Micklethwaite, Recollections of Squatting in Victoria: then called the Port Phillip District, from 1841 to 1851, Melbourne, Robertson, 1883.

4 Federal Court of Australia, The Members of the Yorta Yorta Aboriginal Community v The State of Victoria & Ors [1998] 1606 FCA (18 December 1998), s. 134, <http://www.austlii.edu.au//cgi-bin/disp.pl/au/cases/cth/federal_ct/1998/1606.html?query=Yorta%20and%20Yorta%20and%20Olney>, accessed 21 February 2007.

5 ibid., s. 106.

6 ibid., s. 53; Of Robinson Plomley observed similarly, noting in his introduction to Friendly Mission how Robinson ‘was not a trained observer’ and that his ‘verbosity, concern for trivia and failure to observe systematically’ meant that much of significance was not recorded. Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, pp. 3, 4; see also Plomley, pp. 3-8.

7 Between 1914 and 1918 Malinowski conducted field work predominantly in the Trobriand Islands.

8 Several chapters in this volume deal with Robinson’s idiosyncrasies: Brantlinger; Pybus; Ryan; Reynolds; see also Lester.

9 Fison, Lorimer, and Howitt, Alfred William, Kamilaroi and Kurnai: Group Marriage and Relationship, and Marriage by Elopement, also, the Kurnai Tribe, Melbourne, George Robertson, 1880.

10 See for example Lester and Elbourne in this volume.

11 The Conciliation (1840) is held in the Tasmanian Museum and Art Gallery; for a recent discussion of the place of this painting in the national imaginary see Stephen Scheding’s The National Picture, Milsons Point, Vintage-Random House, 2002.

12 Darwin, Charles, The Descent of Man, 1874, New York, Prometheus Books, 1998; Bonwick, James, The Last of the Tasmanians; Or, The Black War of Van Diemen’s Land, London, S. Low and Marston, 1870.

13 McClintock, Anne, Imperial Leather: Race, Gender, and Sexuality in the Colonial Contest, New York and London, Routledge, 1995, p. 209.

14 Attwood, Bain, The Making of the Aborigines, North Sydney, Allen & Unwin, 1989.

15 ibid., p. 149.

16 See for example, Ryan, Lyndall, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, [1981], St Leonards, Allen & Unwin, 1996, pp. 263-89; Maykutenner (Matson-Green, Vicki), ‘Tasmania 2: “You cannot deny me and mine any longer”’ in McGrath, Ann, ed., Contested Ground: Australian Aborigines under the British Crown, St Leonards, Allen & Unwin, 1995, pp. 338-58; Lia Pootah, The Lia Pootah People, <http://www.tasmanianaboriginal.com.au/liapootah/index.htm>, accessed 16 April 2007; Moore, Terry, ‘The Trouble with Aboriginal Activism in Tasmania’, unpublished paper presented at the Annual Conference of the Australian Sociological Association (TASA), Hobart, 6-8 December, 2005.

17 See in this volume Anderson, Dillon, Aitken and Dennis.

18 Lowenthal, David, The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1997, p. 128.

19 ibid., p. 134; 137.

20 ibid., p. 135.

21 Maykutenner, op. cit., p. 339. Pallawah, or Palawa, is the collective name adopted by some Tasmanian Aborigines. The spelling ‘Palawa’ is now more usual.

22 Lester, Alan, Imperial Networks: Creating Identities in Nineteenth-Century South Africa and Britain, London and New York, Routledge, 2001, pp. 6-7; see also Lester and Elbourne in this volume.

23 Brantlinger, Patrick, Dark Vanishings: Discourse on the Extinction of Primitive Races, 1800-1930, Ithaca and London, Cornell University Press, 2003, p. 124.

24 Dixon, Robert, ‘An Agenda for Our Own Literature: Literary Studies can be Enriched by Forging Bonds Internationally’, The Australian (Higher Education), 28 March 2007, p. 37.

25 Bolton, Geoffrey, ‘Reflections on Comparative Frontier History’, in Attwood, Bain, and Foster, Stephen, eds., Frontier Conflict: The Australian Experience, Canberra, National Museum of Australia, 2003, p. 161.

26 See for example, Windschuttle, op. cit; Attwood and Foster, ibid.; Macintyre, Stuart, and Clark, Anna, The History Wars, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 2003; Manne, Robert, ed., Whitewash: On Keith Windschuttle’s Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Melbourne, Black Inc. Agenda, 2003.

27 Derrida, Jacques, Archive Fever: A Freudian Impression, trans. Prenowitz, Eric, Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 1997, p. 91.

28 For which he was awarded a Bachelor’s degree from the University of Sydney (1935) and a Master’s degree from the University of Tasmania (1947).

29 University of Sydney 1950-; a temporary lectureship at University College, London 1957-58; the University of New South Wales 1961-65; University College, London 1966-73.

30 Valentine, Barbara, ‘Norman James Brian Plomley’, in Alexander, Alison, ed., The Companion to Tasmanian History, Hobart, Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, 2005, p. 278.

31 Plomley, NJB, Unpublished papers, Plomley Collection: Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, CHS53 34/13, p. 2.

32 ibid., p. 1.

2. GEORGE AUGUSTUS ROBINSON AND IMPERIAL NETWORKS

1 This is a term deployed by Catherine Hall in reference to the antislavery campaign: Hall, C., Civilizing Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination, 1830-1867, Cambridge, Verso, 2002.

2 Reynolds, Henry, This Whispering in Our Hearts, St Leonards, Allen & Unwin, 1998, p. 31.

3 The best account of this agitation in an Australian context is Reynolds, Henry, ibid. See also Lester, Alan, ‘Colonial Networks, Australian Humanitarianism and the History Wars’, Geographical Research: Journal of the Institute of Australian Geographers, 44, 3, 2006, pp. 229-42.

4 One of the key progenitors of the Christian evangelical onslaught on Hindu ‘superstitions’, as he called them, in India, was the East India Company Director, Charles Grant. He not only had links with the Clapham sect of evangelical reformers in London, but was also father of the future Colonial Secretary Lord Glenelg. See Dalrymple, William, White Mughals: Love and Betrayal in Eighteenth-Century India, London, Viking, 2002, pp. 36-7.

5 See Lester, Alan, ‘British Settler Discourse and the Circuits of Empire’, History Workshop Journal, 54, 2002, pp. 27-50.

6 Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Sydney, Macleay Press, 2002, p. 242; Rae-Ellis, Vivienne, Black Robinson, Protector of Aborigines, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1988, p. 123.

7 Windschuttle, loc. cit.; Rae-Ellis, loc. cit.

8 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, p. 57. Amelioration was the name given to the policies of reform that humanitarian agitation brought to the West Indies in the years between the ending of the slave trade and the ultimate abolition of slavery. They consisted of regulations to restrict slaves’ hours of work and punishments, mechanisms whereby slaves could report masters for contraventions of the new codes, and measures to facilitate enslaved people’s Christian conversion and education.

9 See Hall, op. cit., and Lester, Alan, Imperial Networks: Creating Identities in Nineteenth-Century South Africa and Britain, London, Routledge, 2001, pp. 36-7.

10 See Elbourne, Elizabeth, Blood Ground: Colonialism, Missions, and the Contest for Christianity in the Cape Colony and Britain, 1799-1853, Montreal, McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2002, pp. 194-96. On the relationship between British imperial networks and indigenous peoples more broadly, see Elbourne, Elizabeth, ‘Indigenous Peoples and Imperial Networks in the Early Nineteenth Century: The Politics of Knowledge’, in Buckner, Philip, and Douglas Francis, R., eds., Rediscovering the British World, Calgary, University of Calgary Press, 2005, pp. 59-86.

11 Plomley, op. cit., p. 310.

12 Both Bell and Lancaster had extensive imperial connections. See Salmon, D., ed., The Practical Parts of Lancaster’s Improvements and Bell’s Experiment, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1932.

13 For the significance of this war in forging networks among colonial administrators, see Laidlaw, Zoë, Colonial Connections 1815-45: Patronage, the Information Revolution and Colonial Government, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 2005.

14 Shaw, AGL, Sir George Arthur, Bart., 1784-1854: Superintendent of British Honduras, Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen’s Land and of Upper Canada, Governor of the Bombay Presidency, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1980, pp. 50-2.

15 Although, in 1832, Arthur wrote to his Colonial Secretary that his greatest desire was to afford ‘protection … effectually and permanently … both to the natives and the settlers’ (quoted Plomley, op. cit., p. 620), he was well aware of the contradiction this entailed.

16 ibid., p. 608 n. 2.

17 Windschuttle, op. cit., p. 214.

18 Shaw, op. cit., p. 132.

19 Quoted in Shaw, op. cit., p. 132. Robinson himself was not shy about promoting the wider value of his work. In his report on the Macquarie Harbour expedition (1833) he wrote, ‘I trust the time is not far distant when the same humane policy will be adopted towards the aboriginal inhabitants of every colony throughout the British Empire’: Plomley, op. cit., p. 858.

20 See Backhouse, James, A Narrative of a Visit to the Australian Colonies, London, Hamilton Adams, 1843 (written October 1832).

21 ibid., pp. 80-1.

22 See Laidlaw, Zoë, ‘Aunt Anna’s Report: The Buxton Women and the Aborigines Select Committee’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History, 32, 2, 2004, pp. 1-28.

23 Report from the Select Committee on Aborigines (British Settlements) with Minutes of Evidence, Appendix and Index, BPP (1836-37), VII reprinted, Shannon, Irish University Press, 1968, p. 75.

24 ibid., p. 56, citing despatch to Lord Goderich, 6 April 1833.

25 ibid., p. 56, citing despatch, 5 November 1830; and citing Papers on Van Diemen’s Land, 1831, N. 259; see also Reynolds, Henry, An Indelible Stain? The Question of Genocide in Australia’s History, Ringwood, Viking, 2001, p. 4.

26 Cannon, M, Historical Records of Victoria, vols. 2A and 2B, Melbourne, Victorian Government Printing Office, 1983, pp. 365-91; Milliss, Roger, Waterloo Creek: The Australia Day Massacre of 1838, Sydney, University of New South Wales Press, 1992, p. 379.

27 Quoted in Milliss, ibid., p. 393. See Milliss generally for this intense round of humanitarian activity in the colony and the resistance with which it was met.

28 But see Arkley, Lindsey, The Hated Protector: The Story of Charles Wightman Sievwright, Protector of Aborigines 1839-42, Melbourne, Orbit Press, 2000.

29 See, for example, Kociumbus, Jan, ‘Genocide and Modernity in Colonial Australia, 1788-1850’, in Dirk Moses, A, ed., Genocide and Settler Society: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian History, New York, Berghahn, 2004, pp. 77-102; Clark, Manning, A History of Australia Volume III: The Beginning of an Australian Civilization, 1824-1851, Parkville, Melbourne University Press, 1973, pp. 103-30; and Reece, RHW, Aborigines and Colonists: Aborigines and Colonial Society in New South Wales in the 1830s and 1840s, Sydney, Sydney University Press, 1974, pp. 198-209.

30 See Reynolds, This Whispering.

31 Windschuttle; Rae-Ellis; Clark; Reece.

32 Plomley, op. cit., p. 463 n. 1; see also Reynolds, This Whispering, pp. 52-60.

33 Milliss.

34 Quoted Milliss, op. cit., p. 375.

35 See Arkley.

36 Hall; Holt, TC, The Problem of Freedom: Race, Labor, and Politics in Jamaica and Britain, 1832-1938, Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992.

37 Lester, Imperial Networks, pp. 143-49.

38 Robinson was not the only victim of the squatters’ mobilisation. Gipps, too, was ultimately unable to continue his administration because of the effect on his health of their agitation for more secure land grabbing. See Milliss.

3. KING BILLY’S BONES: COLONIAL KNOWLEDGE PRODUCTION IN NINETEENTH-CENTURY TASMANIA

1 Flanagan, Richard, Gould’s Book of Fish, New York, Grove Press, 2001, p. 216.

2 Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Sydney, Macleay Press, 2002, p. 35. On Windschuttle’s attempt at genocide denial, see the essays in Manne, Robert, ed., Whitewash: On Keith Windschuttle’s Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Melbourne, Black Inc. Agenda, 2003, and my review essay, ‘“Black Armband” versus “White Blindfold” History in Australia’, Victorian Studies, 46, 4, 2004, pp. 655-74. For the question of genocide in the entire Australian context, see Reynolds, Henry, An Indelible Stain? The Question of Genocide in Australia’s History, Ringwood, Viking, 2001.

3 Windschuttle, ibid., p. 386.

4 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, p. 237.

5 ibid., p. 762.

6 ibid., pp. 602-03.

7 ibid., p. 553.

8 ibid., p. 432.

9 ibid., p. 679.

10 Bonwick, James, The Last of the Tasmanians, or, the Black War of Van Diemen’s Land, London, Sampson Low, Son & Marston, 1870, facsimile ed. Adelaide, Libraries Board of South Australia, 1969, p. 237.

11 ibid., p. 221.

12 Plomley, op. cit., p. 805.

13 ibid., p. 836.

14 ibid., p. 878.

15 Bonwick, op. cit., p. 303.

16 ibid., pp. 231-32.

17 Plomley, op. cit., p. 3.

18 ibid., p. 16; 3.

19 ibid., p. 57.

20 ibid., p. 405.

21 ibid., p. 436.

22 ibid., p. 557.

23 ibid., p. 971 n. 7.

24 Stocking, George, Victorian Anthropology, New York, Free Press, 1987, p. 244.

25 Clifford, James, ‘On Ethnographic Allegory’, in Clifford, James, and Marcus, George E, eds., Writing Culture: The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1986, p. 112.

26 See my Dark Vanishings: Discourse on the Extinction of Primitive Races 1800-1930, Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 2003. Russell McGregor’s Imagined Destinies: Aboriginal Australians and the Doomed Race Theory, 1880-1939, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1997, takes the 1880s as its main starting point, but versions of that theory were in circulation much earlier.

27 Bonwick, op. cit., p. 351.

28 Stocking, op. cit.

29 In Victorian Anthropology, George Stocking points out that the Aborigines Protection Society, founded in 1837 by antislavery advocates, ‘may be regarded as the oldest lineal ancestor of modern British anthropological institutions’ (pp. 240-41). On missionary ethnography, see Stocking pp. 87-92; Herbert, Christopher, Culture and Anomie: Ethnographic Imagination in the Nineteenth Century, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, pp. 150-203; and my essay, ‘Missionaries and Cannibals in Nineteenth-Century Fiji’, History and Anthropology, 17, 1, March 2006, pp. 21-38.

30 Bernard Cohn, in Colonialism and its Forms of Knowledge: The British in India, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1991, develops an interesting typology of the forms of colonial knowledge, though his focus is India. Cohn identifies a number of ‘investigative modalities’ that the British practised in India throughout the history of the Raj. He notes that the ‘first step was … to learn the local languages’ (p. 4). This linguistic basis enabled the development of the other modalities. The ‘historiographic modality’ led to the production of historical accounts of India’s huge variety of states, empires, cultures and societies and also of the British presence in the subcontinent. The ‘observational/travel modality’ entailed narratives of trips to and through India in various patterns and utilising a variety of ‘set pieces, such as the description of Indian holy men and their austerities, encounters with travelling entertainers, and a sati seen or heard about’ (p. 7). The ‘survey modality’ encompassed ‘a wide range of practices, from the mapping of India to collecting botanical specimens …’ (p. 7). The ‘enumerative modality’ involved weighing and measuring everything and everyone, as for example in censuses. The ‘museological modality’ entailed creating collections of India art, texts, archaeological specimens and so forth. And the ‘surveillance modality’ differed from the survey form mainly in emphasising policing and control, including the origin in India of the technique of fingerprinting (p. 11). Some but not all of these ‘investigative modalities’ of colonial knowledge can be found in Robinson’s journals.

31 Plomley, op. cit., p. 91.

32 ibid., p. 313.

33 Hall, Catherine, Civilising Subjects: Metropole and Colony in the English Imagination, 1830-1867, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 2002.

34 Plomley, op. cit., p. 310.

35 Bonwick, op. cit., p. 375.

36 Bonwick, James, Daily Life and Origin of the Tasmanians, New York and London, Johnson Reprint Company, 1967, p. 22.

37 Bonwick, Daily Life, pp. 113-18.

38 loc. cit.

39 ibid., p. 126.

40 ibid., p. 131.

41 loc. cit.

42 Bonwick, Last, p. 396, quoting the Hobart Town Mercury.

43 ibid., p. 397, quoting the Hobart Town Mercury.

44 ibid., p. 398, quoting the Hobart Town Mercury.

45 loc. cit.

46 ibid., p. 396, quoting the Hobart Town Mercury.

47 ibid., p. 399.

48 Ryan, Lyndall, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, Vancouver, University of British Columbia Press, 1981, p. 217.

49 Cove, John J, What the Bones Say: Tasmanian Aborigines, Science and Domination, Ottawa, Carleton University Press, 1995, p. 147.

50 See Roth, H Ling, The Aborigines of Tasmania, Halifax, F King, 1899, and EB Tylor’s preface to that volume.

51 Reynolds, Henry, Fate of a Free People, Ringwood, Penguin, 1995, p. 136.

52 ibid., p. 137.

53 Hughes, Robert, The Fatal Shore: The Epic of Australia’s Founding, New York, Vintage, 1986, p. 423.

54 Robson, Lloyd, A History of Tasmania: Volume I: Van Diemen’s Land from the Earliest Times to 1855, Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1983, p. 220.

4. A PEOPLE WHO HAVE NO HISTORY?

1 I am very grateful for the feedback I received on an early draft of this paper from Dr Maggie Walter, who provided some very thoughtful insights that helped in framing this paper, and for Professor Janet McCalman for her encouragement. The Onemda VicHealth Koori Health Unit is a part of the Centre for Health and Society at the University of Melbourne. Onemda receives core funding from the Commonwealth Department of Health and Ageing and the Victorian Health Promotion Foundation. The University of Melbourne is a core partner in the Cooperative Research Centre for Aboriginal Health.

2 Anderson, Ian, ‘Reclaiming Tru-ger-nan-ner: Decolonising the Symbol’, in Art Monthly Australia, 66, 1993/1994, pp. 10-14; Anderson, Ian, ‘Reclaiming TRU-GER-NAN-NER: Decolonising the Symbol’, in van Toorn, Penny and English, David, eds., Speaking Positions: Aboriginality, Gender and Ethnicity in Australian Cultural Studies, Melbourne, Department of Humanities, Victoria University of Technology, 1995, pp. 31-42.

3 Moran, A, ‘As Australia Decolonizes: Indigenizing Settler Nationalism and the Challenges of Settler/Indigenous Relations’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 25, 2002, pp. 1013-42.

4 Keating, Paul, ‘Paul Keating’s Redfern Speech, December 10, 1992’, australianpolitics.com, <http://www.australianpolitics.com/executive/keating/92-12-10redfern-speech.shtml>, accessed 10 April 2005.

5 Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Sydney, Macleay Press, 2002.

6 Shakespeare, Nicholas, In Tasmania, Milsons Point, Vintage, 2007.

7 Plomley, NJB, The Tasmanian Aborigines: A Short Account of Them and Some Aspects of Their Life, Launceston, the author in association with the Adult Education Division Tasmania, 1977, p. vii.

8 ibid., p. 65.

9 ibid., pp. 65-6.

10 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008; Plomley, NJB, ed., Weep in Silence: A History of the Flinders Island Aboriginal Settlement, Hobart, Blubber Head Press, 1987; Plomley, NJB, ed., Jorgen Jorgenson and the Aborigines of Van Diemen’s Land: Being a Reconstruction of His ‘Lost’ Book on Their Customs and Habits, and on His Role in the Roving Parties and the Black Line, Hobart, Blubber Head Press, 1991.

11 Plomley, B and Henley, KA, ‘The Sealers of Bass Strait and the Cape Barren Island Community’, Tasmanian Historical Research Association, 37, 2 and 3, June-September 1990, p. 66.

12 Plomley, NJB, The Tasmanian Aborigines: A Short Account of Them and Some Aspects of Their Life, p. 66.

13 Anderson, ‘Reclaiming Tru-ger-nan-ner’, p. 11.

14 Andreasen, RO, ‘Race: Biological Reality or Social Construct’, Philosophy of Science, 67, 2000, p. S653-66.

15 Livingstone, FB, ‘On the Nonexistence of Human Races’, in Harding, S, ed., The Racial Economy of Science: Toward a Democratic Future, Bloomington and Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 1993, pp. 133-41.

16 Anderson, op. cit.

17 Stross, Brian, ‘The Hybrid Metaphor from Biology to Culture’, Journal of American Folklore, 112, 1999, p. 254.

18 Plomley and Henley, op. cit., p. 59.

19 ibid.

20 Young, RJC, Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Theory, Culture and Race, London, Routledge, 1995, p. 8.

21 Plomley, NJB, The Tasmanian Aborigines, Launceston, The Plomley Foundation, 1993, p. 98. Emphasis added.

22 Wood, JW, ‘Fertility in Anthropological Populations’, Annual Review of Anthropology, 19, 1990, pp. 211-42.

23 Plomley, The Tasmanian Aborigines, p. 8.

24 ibid., p. 100.

25 Taylor, Rebe, Unearthed: The Aboriginal Tasmanians of Kangaroo Island, Kent Town, Wakefield Press, 2002; Barwick, D, ‘Aunty Ellen: The Pastor’s Wife’, in White, I, Barwick, D and Meehan, B, eds., Fighters and Singers: The Lives of Some Australian Aboriginal Women, Sydney, Allen & Unwin, 1985; Barwick, D, ‘This Most Resolute Lady: a Biographical Puzzle’, in Barwick, D, Beckett, J, and Reay, M, eds., Metaphors of Interpretation: Essays in Honour of W.E.H. Stanner, Canberra, Australian National University Press, 1985, pp. 199-254.

26 Hale, CR, ‘Travel Warning: Elite Appropriations of Hybridity, Mestizaje, Antiracism, Equality, and Other Progressive-Sounding Discourse in Highland Guatemala’, The Journal of American Folklore, 112, 1999, p. 302.

27 Hutnyk, J., ‘Hybridity’, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28, 2005, p. 80.

28 Young, op. cit.; Hale, op. cit.; and Hutnyk, ibid.

29 Young, ibid., p. 27.

30 Hale, op. cit., p. 310.

31 ibid., p. 302.

32 Hutnyk, op. cit., p. 92.

33 Stross, op. cit., p. 261.

34 Shakespeare, op. cit., p. 7.

35 ibid., p. 34.

36 ibid., p. 17.

37 ibid., p. 7.

38 ibid., p. 272.

39 ibid., p. 334.

40 ibid., p. 225.

41 ibid., p. 391.

42 ibid., p. 115.

43 ibid., p. 392.

44 Plomley, The Tasmanian Aborigines: A Short Account of Them and Some Aspects of Their Life, p. 67.

45 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission; The Baudin Expedition and the Tasmanian Aborigines 1802, Hobart, Blubber Head Press, 1983; Weep in Silence; Jorgen Jorgenson and the Aborigines of Van Diemen’s Land; ‘The Westlake Papers: Records of Interviews in Tasmania by Ernest Westlake, 1908-1910’, Occasional Paper No. 4, Launceston, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, [nd].

46 Plomley, NJB, ‘Thomas Bock’s Portraits of the Tasmanian Aborigines’ Records of the Queen Victoria Museum, New Series, No. 18, 1965; Plomley, B and Piard-Bernier, J, The General: The Visits of the Expedition Led by Bruny d’Entrecasteaux to Tasmanian Waters in 1792 and 1793, Launceston, Queen Victoria Museum, 1993.

47 Plomley, NJB, A Word-List of the Tasmanian Aboriginal Languages, Hobart, the author in association with the Government of Tasmania, 1976; Plomley, NJB, ‘The Tasmanian Tribes and Cicatrices as Tribal Indicators Among the Tasmanian Aborigines’, Occasional Paper No. 5, Launceston, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, 1992; Plomley, NJB, ‘The Aboriginal/Settler Clash in Van Diemen’s Land’, Occasional Paper No. 6, Launceston, Queen Victorian Museum and Art Gallery, 1992; Plomley, NJB, ‘Tasmanian Aboriginal Place Names’, Occasional Paper No. 3, Launceston, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery, [n.d.], p. 98.

5. BETWEEN VAN DIEMEN’S LAND AND THE CAPE COLONY

1 My thanks for comments on this paper to Ann Curthoys, Robert Ross, Anna Johnston, Mitchell Rolls and the publisher, Quintus, as well as to participants in the York University ‘Colonial Connections’ workshop of March 2007 at which I presented some of this material. My thanks also to the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada for financial assistance.

2 Kocka, Jürgen, ‘Comparison and Beyond’, History and Theory, 42, February 2003, pp. 39-44. Also on this issue, see Curthoys, Ann and Lake, Marilyn, eds., Connected Worlds: History in Transnational Perspective, ANU E Press, 2006.

3 Lester, Alan and Lambert, David, ‘Introduction: Imperial Spaces, Imperial Subjects’, in Lester, Alan and Lambert, David, eds., Colonial Lives Across the British Empire: Imperial Careering in the Long Nineteenth Century, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006, pp. 1-31; Richard Price, ‘One Big Thing: Britain and its Empire’, Journal of British Studies, 45, 3, July 2006, pp. 602-27.

4 Drayton, Richard, ‘Maritime Networks and the Making of Knowledge’, in Cannadine, David, ed., Empire, the Sea and Global History: Britain’s Maritime World, 1763-1833, Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2007, pp. 72-82.

5 Report from the Select Committee on Aborigines (British Settlements) with Minutes of Evidence, Appendix and Index, 2 vols., BPP (1836-37); Brantlinger, Patrick, Dark Vanishings: Discourse on the Extinction of Primitive Races, 1800-1930, Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 2003, pp. 68-93; Elbourne, Elizabeth, ‘The Sin of the Settler: The 1835-36 Select Committee on Aborigines and Debates over Virtue and Conquest in the Early Nineteenth-Century British White Settler Empire’, Journal of Colonialism and Colonial History, 4, 3, Winter 2003, Project Muse. Alan Lester provides an excellent overview in ‘Missionaries and White Settlers in the Nineteenth Century’, in Etherington, Norman, ed., Missions and Empire, Oxford History of the British Empire Companion Series, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2005, pp. 64-85.

6 An infantilisation that was a characteristic feature of missionary discourse: compare from a twentieth-century perspective Nicholas Thomas, ‘Colonial Conversions: Difference, Hierarchy and History in Early Twentieth-Century Evangelical Propaganda’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 34, 2, April 1992, pp. 366-89.

7 Macintyre, Stuart and Clark, Anna, eds., The History Wars, 2nd ed., Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 2004.

8 Lester, Alan, ‘Colonial Networks, Australian Humanitarianism and the History Wars’, Geographical Research, 44, 3, September 2006, p. 230.

9 Anna Johnston discusses Keith Windschuttle’s need to discredit LE Threlkeld in her Missionary Writing and Empire, 1800-1860, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003, pp. 200-01.

10 Manne, Robert, ed., Whitewash: On Keith Windschuttle’s Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Melbourne, Black Inc. Agenda, 2003; Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Volume One, Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1947, Sydney, Macleay Press, 2002; Attwood, Bain, and Foster, Stephen, eds., Frontier Conflict: The Australian Experience, Canberra, National Museum of Australia, 2003.

11 Compare, for example, Emma Christopher, Slave Ship Sailors and Their Captive Cargoes, 1730-1807, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

12 Reynolds, Henry, Fate of a Free People, Ringwood, Penguin, 1995.

13 The British ceded the Cape to the Batavian Republic between 1801 and 1806, and then regained it for good. On frontier warfare at the turn of the century, see Newton-King, Susan, and Malherbe, VC, The Khoikhoi Rebellion in the Eastern Cape, 1799-1803, Rondebosch, Centre for African Studies, University of Cape Town, 1981.

14 Giliomee, Hermann, ‘The Eastern Frontier, 1770-1812’, in Elphick, Richard and Giliomee, Hermann, eds., The Shaping of South African Society, 2nd ed., Middletown, Connecticut: Wesleyan University Press, 1989, pp. 421-71; Legassick, Martin, ‘The Frontier Tradition in South African Historiography’, in Marks, Shula and Atmore, Anthony, eds., Economy and Society in Pre-Industrial South Africa, London: Longman, 1980, pp. 44-79. Contrast Jeremy Adelman and Stephen Aron on contested borderlands between empires, ‘From Borderlands to Borders: Empires, Nation-States and the Peoples in Between in North American History’, in The American Historical Review, 104, 3, June 1999, pp. 814-41.

15 Overview histories of British frontier conflict with the Xhosa include Crais, Clifton, White Supremacy and Black Resistance in Pre-Industrial South Africa: The Making of the Colonial Order in the Eastern Cape, 1770-1865, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992; Mostert, Noel, Frontiers: The Epic of South Africa’s Creation and the Tragedy of the Xhosa People, London: Jonathan Cape, 1992; Keegan, Timothy, Colonial South Africa and the Origins of the Racial Order, Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1996.

16 For a fuller overview of shifts in Khoekhoe status and debates about Khoekhoe citizenship, see Elbourne, Elizabeth, ‘“The Fact So Often Disputed by the Black Man”: Khoekhoe Citizenship at the Cape in the Early to Mid Nineteenth Century’, Citizenship Studies, 7, 4, December 2003, pp. 379-400.

17 Penn, Nigel, The Forgotten Frontier: Colonist and Khoisan on the Cape’s Northern Frontier in the Eighteenth Century, Athens (Georgia), Ohio University Press and Swallow Press, 2006.

18 On war captives and their incorporation into the colonial economy, see in particular Newton-King, Susan, Masters and Servants on the Cape Eastern Frontier, 1760-1803, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999.

19 The phrase ‘the enemy within’ is the title of a key chapter in Newton-King’s Masters and Servants.

20 Minutes from a meeting held at Theopolis, 25 August 1834, in George Barker to William Ellis, Theopolis, 6 October 1834, London Missionary Society: South Africa Incoming Correspondence, 14/2/B, Council for World Mission Archives, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London.

21 Report from the Select Committee on Aborigines (British Settlements) with Minutes of Evidence, Appendix and Index, testimony of Andries Stoeffels, vol. 1, 1836, pp. 584-88.

22 I make this broad argument in my Blood Ground: Colonialism, Missions and the Contest for Christianity in Britain and the Eastern Cape, 1799-1853, Montreal and Kingston, McGill-Queens University Press, 2002.

23 Taylor, Rebe, Unearthed: The Aboriginal Tasmanians of Kangaroo Island, Kent Town, Wakefield Press, 2002.

24 I use the term ‘non-white’ here since the Dutch East India Company’s slave-trading networks extended into both Asia and southern Africa and the sources of slaves were diverse. Robert Ross convincingly explores status relationships at the Cape and their close linkage to ideas about race and labour: Ross, Robert, Status and Respectability in the Cape Colony, 1750-1870: A Tragedy of Manners, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1999. On slavery and honour compare also Mason, John, Social Death and Resurrection: Slavery and Emancipation in South Africa, Charlottesville, University of Virginia Press, 2003; and Shell, Robert, Children of Bondage: A Social History of the Slave Society at the Cape of Good Hope, 1652-1813, Hanover, Wesleyan University Press published by University of New England, 1994.

25 Iliffe, John, Honour in African History, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005; Morrell, Robert, ‘Of Boys and Men: Masculinity and Gender in Southern African Studies’, Journal of Southern African Studies, 24, 4, December 1998. On the fluidity of gender in African systems, compare Amadiume, Ife, Male Daughters, Female Husbands: Gender and Sex in African Society, London: Zed Books, 1987.

26 On sealers and Aboriginal women, in an analysis that stresses both coercion and free will, Ryan, Lyndall, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, St Leonards, Allen & Unwin, 1996, pp. 66-72.

27 Isaacman, Allen, Slavery and Beyond: The Making of Men and Chikunda Ethnic Identities in the Unstable World of South-Central Africa, 1750-1920, Portsmouth (New Hampshire), Heinemann, 2004.

28 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, p. 390.

29 Hay, Douglas, Linebaugh, P, Rule, John G, Thompson, EP and Winslow, Cal, Albion’s Fatal Tree: Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England, New York, Pantheon, 1975. On violence as spectacle, compare John Mason’s Social Death and Resurrection; Michel Foucault’s Discipline and Punish; and, more soberly, John Beattie’s Crime and the Courts of England, 1660-1800 (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1986). My point here is that early modern penal systems frequently depended on public displays of control of the bodies of others as a means to exert control more broadly; similarly, slave societies, with more fragile and highly limited means of creating consent, used spectacular and public violence in similar ways but often without the check of intermediary institutions.

30 Windschuttle, op. cit., pp. 44-6. Windschuttle says that Robinson was trying to get women for his ‘newly established Aboriginal settlement’, whereas Robinson had not yet created a settlement; Robinson is also quite specific about the family relationships of some of these women to men among the Aboriginal group that had come out of the bush so far, whereas Windshuttle claims that Robinson intended these women ‘to become the mistresses of a new group of Aboriginal strangers’ (p. 45).

31 Barrow, Sir John, An Account of Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa in the Years 1797 and 1798, London, published by A Strachan for T Cadell Jr. and W Davies, 1801, vol. 2, pp. 405-06. Barrow mentions this in a footnote in French.

32 Eldredge, Elizabeth and Morton, Fred, eds., Slavery in South Africa: Captive Labour in the Dutch Frontier, Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford and Pietermaritzburg, Westview Press and University of Natal Press, 1994; Morton, Fred, ‘Female Inboekelinge in the South African Republic, 1850-1880’, Slavery and Abolition, 26, 2, August 2005, p. 199-215.

33 Shell, op. cit., pp. 362-65.

34 Johnston, op. cit., pp. 186, 191-93; Ryan, op. cit., p. 78.

35 Cited in Aborigines Protection Society, Second Annual Report of the Aborigines Protection Society, London: P White & Son, 1839. Robinson’s entire 17 October 1838 speech may be viewed at Centre for Comparative Law, History and Governance at Macquarie University and State Records New South Wales, ‘Original Documents on Aborigines and Law 1797-1840’, <http://www.law.mq.edu.au/scnsw/Correspondence/vdl%20speech.htm>, accessed 29 June 2007.

36 Plomley, op. cit., p. 408.

37 Plomley, op. cit., p. 411.

38 Backhouse, James, A Narrative of a Visit to Mauritius and South Africa, London, Hamilton, Adams, New York, JL Linney, 1843.

39 Erlank, Natasha, ‘John and Jane Philip: Partnership, Usefulness and Sexuality in the Service of God’, in de Gruchy, John J, ed., The London Missionary Society in Southern Africa, Cape Town, David Philip, 1999.

40 Backhouse, op. cit., pp. 8-9.

41 For example, John Macarthur (Jnr) to Elizabeth Macarthur, (presum. London), 12 April-11 June 1825, Archives of New South Wales, A2911, Macarthur Papers, vol. 15.

42 See Lester in this volume.

43 Plomley, op. cit., p. 91.

44 Krygier, Martin and van Krieken, Robert, ‘The Character of the Nation’, in Manne, op. cit., pp. 89-98; Curthoys, Ann, ‘Disputing National Histories: Some Recent Australian Debates’, Transforming Cultures eJournal, 1, 1, March 2006, <http://epress.lib.uts.edu.au/ojs/index.php/TfC/article/viewFile/187/134>, accessed 29 June 2007; Moses, Dirk, ed., Genocide and Settler Societies: Frontier Violence and Stolen Indigenous Children in Australian Society, New York, Berghahn Press, 2005; Curthoys, Ann, ‘Raphaël Lemkin’s “Tasmania”: an Introduction’, Patterns of Prejudice, 39, 2, 2005, pp. 162-69.

45 Lester, Alan, ‘British Settler Discourse and the Circuits of Empire’, History Workshop Journal, 54, 1, 2002, pp. 24-48.

46 For example, Saxe Bannister to the Duke of Richmond, Herefordshire, 22 October 1842, West Sussex Country Archives, Goodwood papers, MS 1636, f.293.

47 Aborigines Protection Society, Second Annual Report, pp. 7-8; Aborigines Protection Society, Third Annual Report of the Aborigines Protection Society, London: P White & Son, 1840, pp. 29-31.

48 Aborigines Protection Society, Third Annual Report, p. 31.

49 Aborigines Protection Society, Fourth Annual Report of the Aborigines Protection Society, London: P White & Son, 1841, p. 22.

50 Report from the Select Committee on Aborigines (British Settlements) with Minutes of Evidence, Appendix and Index, evidence of Thomas Hodgkin, 11 July 1836, vol. 1, 1836, p. 637.

51 McGregor, Russell, Imagined Destinies: Aboriginal Australians and the Doomed Race Theory, 1880-1939, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1997 (pp. 1-18 on the roots of the idea of the ‘doomed race’ before the late nineteenth century); Brantlinger, op. cit., especially pp. 68-93 on humanitarianism and the discourse of saving Aboriginal peoples.

52 As debate around the ‘Miscast’ exhibit in Cape Town suggests. The exhibition tried to show the mistreatment of the Khoekhoe and San and included body parts, many of which had been preserved for exhibition or for research. Many in the so-called ‘coloured’ community felt this was undignified, while others were supportive. A major edited collection was prepared at the same time as the exhibit: Skotnes, Pippa, ed., Miscast: Negotiating the Presence of the Bushmen, Cape Town, University of Cape Town Press, 1996.

53 Saunders, Christopher, The Making of the South African Past: Major Historians on Race and Class, Cape Town, David Philip, 1988.

54 Manne, op. cit., Windschuttle, op. cit.

55 Aborigines Protection Society, Fourth Annual Report, p. 22.

6. COMMUNITY VOICES

1 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, pp. 4; 5.

2 ibid, p. 5.

7. A SELF-MADE MAN

1 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, p. 107. Umarrah was not an Aboriginal name, but a corruption of Hugh Murray, a prominent settler with whom he had lived.

2 Ryan, Lyndall, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, St Lucia, University of Queensland Press, 1981, pp. 79, 101; Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Sydney, Macleay Press, 2002, pp. 74-5; Pybus, Cassandra, Community of Thieves, Melbourne, William Heinemann, 1991, p. 72.

3 Archives Office of Tasmania (hereafter AOT), Colonial Secretary’s Office (hereafter CSO), 1/322/7578.

4 AOT, CSO 1/888/18829.

5 Robertson to Burnett, 16 December 1829, AOT, CSO 1/888/1829.

6 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 121 n. 42.

7 ibid., p. 111

8 ibid., p. 121 n. 42.

9 Robertson’s evidence to the Aboriginal Committee, in Shaw, AGL, ed., Correspondence Between Lieutenant Governor Arthur and His Majesty’s Secretary of State for the Colonies, on the Subject of the Military Operations Lately Carried on Against the Aboriginal Inhabitants of Van Diemen’s Land, [Hobart], Tasmanian Historical Research Association, 1971, p. 48.

10 For Musquito see Parry, Naomi, ‘Musquito (c.1780-1825)’, Australian Dictionary of Biography, Supplementary Volume, Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 2005, p. 299.

11 Newspaper reports in the Colonial Times, 10 November 1826; 15 December 1826.

12 Hobart Town Gazette, 25 February 1825. Neither Aborigine was a defendant, nor did they give evidence and the evidence against them was dubious.

13 Gordon to Burnett, 5 January 1827, AOT, CSO 8/109/60.

14 AOT, CSO 1/8/109.

15 Robertson, evidence to Aboriginal Committee, Shaw, op. cit., p. 48.

16 Robertson to Lascelles, 17 November 1828, AOT, CSO 1/333/168.

17 Hobart Town Courier, 22 November 1828.

18 Robertson to Lascelles, op. cit.

19 The evidence for Robertson persuading Arthur comes from Melville, Henry, The History of Van Diemen’s Land, London, Smith and Elder, 1835, reprinted Sydney, Horwitz-Grahame, 1965, p. 80, but Robertson makes the same point to the Aboriginal Committee in 1830; see Shaw, op. cit., pp. 47-8.

20 ibid., p. 49. Windschuttle utterly dismisses this evidence, describing Robertson as ‘a notoriously unreliable witness, prone to exaggerating violence done to the blacks’; see Windschuttle, op. cit., p. 137. I have challenged this perception elsewhere: see ‘Robinson and Robertson’, in Manne, Robert, ed., Whitewash: On Keith Windschuttle’s Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Melbourne, Black Inc, 2003, pp. 258-76.

21 Shaw, op. cit., pp. 35-46.

22 Gunning to Burnett, 5 October 1823, AOT, CSO 1/56/1185.

23 The remark was repeated by George Meredith: see Robson, Lloyd, A History of Tasmania: Volume I: Van Diemen’s Land from the Earliest Times to 1855, Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1983, p. 197.

24 AOT, CSO 1/888/188829.

25 AOT, CSO 1/321/7578.

26 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 108.

27 ibid., p. 112.

28 This astonishing thesis was put forward by Vivienne Rae-Ellis in Black Robinson: Protector of Aborigines, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1988.

29 For a detailed discussion of the complex relationship see Pybus, op. cit., 1991.

30 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 149.

31 ibid., p. 166.

32 ibid., p. 171.

33 ibid., p. 185.

34 ibid., p. 191.

35 ibid., p. 171.

36 ibid., p. 350.

37 ibid., p. 481 n. 113. For original letter, see Robertson to Burnett, 17 February 1831, AOT, CSO 1/888/18829.

38 ibid., p. 481 n. 113.

39 Plomley speculates that the death of ‘Jack’ recorded by Maclachlan is that of Cowerterminna (ibid., p. 494 n. 171). However, elsewhere Plomley gives Cowerterminna’s date of death as 30 April 1831 (ibid. p. 513).

40 Plomley, Weep in Silence, p. 384.

41 ibid., p. 389.

42 As mentioned, Robertson was the editor of True Colonist, which was the mouthpiece of the anti-Arthur faction within the settlers.

43 Plomley, Weep in Silence, p. 389.

44 ibid., p. 706.

45 ibid., p. 711.

46 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 764.

47 Journal entry 29 August 1837, and Plomley’s notes, Weep in Silence, pp. 475; 710-12.

48 ibid., pp. 709-10.

49 Journal entry 26 January 1838, ibid., p. 530. Always a keen observer at autopsies at Flinders Island, Robinson was building a large collection of craniums; see Pybus, op. cit., p. 147.

50 Franklin, Sir John, address to the Legislative Council on 30 June 1838, in Plomley, Weep in Silence, p. 750.

8. RELIABLE MR ROBINSON AND THE CONTROVERSIAL DR JONES

1 Murray, Tim, ‘Tasmania and the Constitution of “The Dawn of Humanity”’, Antiquity, 66, 1992, pp. 730-43.

2 Jones, Rhys, ‘The Tasmanian Paradox’ in Wright, RVS, ed., Stone Tools as Cultural Markers, Canberra, Australian Institute for Aboriginal Studies, 1977, p. 203.

3 Mansell, Michael, ‘The Last Tasmanian’, in Racism in Tasmania, pamphlet, National Union of Students, Glebe, 1978, p. 2. A version of this article also appeared as: Mansell, Michael, ‘Black Tasmanians Now’, Arena, 51, 1978, pp. 5-8.

4 Bowdler, Sandra, ‘Fish and Culture: a Tasmanian Polemic’, Mankind, 12, 4, 1980, pp. 334-40; Murray, Tim, and Williamson, Christine, ‘Archaeology and History’, in Manne, Robert, ed., Whitewash: On Keith Windschuttle’s Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Melbourne, Black Inc. Agenda, 2003, p. 317; Allen, Harry, ‘Left Out in the Cold: Why the Tasmanians Stopped Eating Fish’, The Artefact, 4, 1979, pp. 1-10; Vanderwal, Ron, ‘Adaptive Technology in Southwest Tasmania’, Australian Archaeology, 8, 1978, pp. 107-26; Horton, David, ‘Tasmanian Adaptation’, Mankind, 12, 1, 1979, pp. 28-34; Horton, David, The Pure State of Nature, St Leonards, Allen & Unwin, 2000; Horton, David, and Vanderwal, Ron, Coastal Southwest Tasmania, Department of Prehistory, Research School of Pacific and Asian Studies, Australian National University, 1984.

5 Hiatt, Betty, ‘Food Quest and Economy of the Tasmanian Aborigines’, Oceania, 38, 2, 1967, pp. 99-133 and Oceania, 38, 3, 1968, pp. 190-219.

6 Jones, Rhys, ‘Appendix: Tasmanian Tribes’, in Tindale, Norman B, Aboriginal Tribes of Australia, vol. 1, Berkeley, Los Angeles, London, University of California Press, 1974, pp. 319-54.

7 Jones, ‘The Tasmanian Paradox’.

8 Jones, ‘Appendix: Tasmanian Tribes’, pp. 319-20.

9 Hiatt, op. cit., p. 101.

10 For an example, see Ling Roth’s Appendix H in which he dismisses RH Davies’ 1845 account of Tasmanian fire-making as ‘heresay’ [sic]: Ling Roth, Henry, The Aborigines of Tasmania (1890), Halifax, F. King & Sons, 1899, p. 1xxxix.

11 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, p. 35 n. 15.

12 Hiatt, op. cit., pp. 100-01.

13 Jones lists previous attempts to outline Tasmanian tribal structures: Backhouse, James, A Narrative of a Visit to the Australian Colonies, London, Hamilton Adams, 1843; West, John, The History of Tasmania, Launceston, Henry Dowling, 1852; Milligan, Joseph, ‘Vocabulary of Dialects of Aboriginal Tribes of Tasmania’, Papers and Proceedings of the Royal Society of Tasmania, 3, 1859, pp. 239-74, and Radcliffe-Brown, AR, ‘Social Organisation of Australian Tribes’, Oceania, 1, 1930-31, pp. 34-63, 206-46, 322-41, 426-56. Jones writes that Schmidt, W., Die Tasmanischen Sprachen; Quellen, Gruppierungen, Grammatik, Worterbucher, Utrecht, Comité International de Linguistes, 1952, waited thirty years in case other historical sources would be uncovered before he ‘brought to fruition nearly a century of scholarship’. But, ‘like a cruel trick of fate’ Robinson’s field journals were discovered and published in 1966, giving Jones the material for his ‘Appendix’, Jones, ‘Appendix: Tasmanian Tribes’, pp. 321-22.

14 ibid., pp. 319-20.

15 Jones’s 1974 map locates nine regions, while the Encyclopaedia locates eight: Jones’s North East and Ben Lomond tribes – divided by an ‘unoccupied’ zone – are mapped in 1994 as the larger Pyemmairrener region. Jones did note that, with future research, his number of tribes may be either expanded or reduced. While Jones identifies a large portion of the island’s west as ‘unoccupied’, the 1994 map has not used this term, but nor does it include this land in any named region. While the Encyclopaedia uses Aboriginal regional names, Jones used English names ‘partly because of precedence’, he writes, ‘but mostly because there did not appear to be well-established Tasmanian aboriginal terminology’. In his foreword Tindale hopes that Jones will one day ‘link our names to the native nomenclature’, which was practice for the rest of his Australian tribal map, Jones, ‘Appendix: Tasmanian Tribes’, op. cit., pp. 328, 330 and 318. Jones told me that he had not wanted to use Aboriginal names because ‘they might be wrong’, but ‘thanks to Plomley’, there were ‘lots of band names’ he could use. Taylor, Rebe, Interview with Rhys Jones, 27 October 1999, Australian National University.

16 Ryan, Lyndall, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, Sydney, Allen & Unwin, 1996, pp. 7-46.

17 Email to Rebe Taylor from Lyndall Ryan, 21 June 2006.

18 Email to Rebe Taylor from Lyndall Ryan, 24 June 2006.

19 Jones, Rhys, ‘Rocky Cape and the Problem of the Tasmanians’, PhD Thesis, Department of Archaeology, University of Sydney, 1971, p. 9.

20 Taylor, Rebe, Interview with Rhys Jones, 12 December 1998, Australian National University.

21 ibid.

22 Ryan, op. cit., p. 263.

23 ibid., p. 2; Bowdler, op. cit., p. 335; Sykes, Bobbi, ‘A Re-make: This Time with a Camera’, Filmnews, January, 1979, p. 13; Bickford, Anne, ‘Superb Documentary or Racist Fantasy?’, Filmnews, January, 1979, p. 14.

24 Such scholars include Lubbock, John, Pre-Historic Times, as Illustrated by Ancient Remains, and the Manners and Customs of Modern Savages, London, Edinburgh, William & Norgate, 1865; Tylor, EB, Researches into the Early History of Mankind, Bohannan, Paul, ed., Chicago and London, University of Chicago Press, 1964; Sollas, WJ, Ancient Hunters and their Modern Representatives, London, Macmillan & Co, 1911.

25 Turnbull, Paul, Pictures of Health – Health of the Body Politic, Pandora Archive, National Library of Australia & Partners, <http://pandora.nla.gov.au/nph-arch/2000/S2000-May-10/http://www.tsd.jcu.edu.au/hist/main.html>, accessed 8 January 2007.

26 Murray, op. cit., p. 738.

27 Gill Leahy observes that Jones ‘would be the first to deny’ that the rising sea began a process of extinction that ‘the whites just hurried … up a bit’: Leahy, Gill, ‘One Man’s Meat is Another People’s Poisson’, Filmnews, June, 1979, p. 22.

28 ibid.

29 Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Sydney, Macleay Press, 2002, p. 386.

30 Bowdler, quoted in Murray and Williamson, op. cit., p. 317.

31 Allen, op. cit., p. 4.

32 Vanderwal, op. cit., pp. 107-26. The evidence of this hypothesis was presented in more detail in Vanderwal and Horton, op. cit. See also Horton, ‘Tasmanian Adaptation’, p. 33.

33 Ling Roth, op. cit., p. 101.

34 Hiatt, op. cit.

35 Jones, Rhys, ‘Why Did the Tasmanians Stop Eating Fish?’, in Gould, RA, ed., Explorations in Ethnoarchaeology, Albuquerque, University of New Mexico Press, 1978, p. 18.

36 ibid., pp. 15-16.

37 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 16 but note p. 36 n. 22.

38 Hiatt, op. cit., p. 113; Jones, ‘Why Did the Tasmanians Stop Eating Fish?’, op. cit., p. 19.

39 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 757. Plomley also cites this instance to demonstrate the presumption that Robinson’s references to Aboriginal people eating ‘fish’ are never scale fish: ibid, pp. 757, 845 n. 56. Hiatt also references an earlier entry in Robinson’s diary in which, having cooked himself some perch and rock cod for breakfast on Bruny Island, Robinson notes: ‘With great difficulty persuaded the natives to partake of some’, ibid., p. 59.

40 ibid., p. 757.

41 ibid., p. 687.

42 Jones, Rhys, ‘Ice-Age Hunters of the Tasmanian Wilderness’, Australian Geographic, August 1987, p. 38.

43 Jones, ‘The Tasmanian Paradox’, p. 196.

44 Völger, Gisela, ‘Making Fire by Percussion in Tasmania’, Oceania, 44, 1, 1973, p. 61.

45 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 260 n. 5.

46 ibid., p. 599.

47 Interestingly, Jones did not repeat the idea the Tasmanian Aborigines could not make fire in his 1978 chapter, ‘Why did the Tasmanians Stop Eating Fish?’, despite recapitulating all the other aspects of his regression theory. However, Jones stated ‘they could not make fire’ in Jones, ‘Ice-Age Hunters of the Tasmanian Wilderness’, p. 30.

48 Ryan, op. cit., p. 11; Rae-Ellis, Vivienne, Trucanini: Queen or Traitor?, rev. ed., Canberra, Australian Institute for Aboriginal Studies, 1981, p. 8. Neither Ryan nor Rae-Ellis reference Jones. Ryan has no reference, and Rae-Ellis references the same diary entry of 28 December 1831. However, considering their books were published shortly after Jones’s work became public, it was most probably Jones who alerted both scholars to this reference and the conclusion he and Plomley considered it demonstrated.

49 Flannery, Tim, The Future Eaters, Sydney, Reed New Holland, 1994, pp. 264-70. Flannery contextualises the claim that the Tasmanian Aborigines could not make fire within a detailed description of Jones’s thesis of regression, including the exclusion of fish from the diet, and dropping bone awls and other wooden implements from the Tasmanians’ toolkit, but with no reference to Jones. Instead Flannery references Diamond, Jared, ‘Ten Thousand Years of Solitude’, Discover, 14, 3, pp. 48-57.

50 Diamond op. cit., p. 50. Diamond, like Flannery, details Jones’s thesis of regression but only directly quotes Jones when criticising him as ‘degenerationist’, Diamond, op. cit., p. 55. Diamond gives the impression that the thesis of Tasmanian isolation is his own. Further, the editor of Discover, Paul Hoffman, includes, on p. 4 of the same edition of the magazine, a preface to Diamond’s article headed, ‘The Tasmanian Paradox’, without any reference to Jones’s 1977 chapter of the same title.

51 Windschuttle, op. cit., pp. 377-78. Windschuttle references Robinson’s diary entry of 28 December 1831 and summarises Jones’s thesis on the cessation of fish eating, loss of tools and the theory of cultural regression, footnoting his PhD thesis and his 1977 and 1978 chapters.

52 Backhouse, op. cit., p. 99; Dove, Rev. T, ‘Moral and Social Characteristics of Aborigines of Tasmania as Gathered from Intercourse with the Surviving Remnants of Them Now Located on Flinders Island’, The Tasmanian Journal of Natural Science, 1, 1842, p. 250; Tylor, op. cit., pp. 249-50; Ling Roth, op. cit., p. 83; Fenton, James, A History of Tasmania: From its Discovery in 1642 to the Present Time, Hobart, J. Walch and Sons; Launceston, Walch Brothers and Birchall; Sydney, Melbourne, Adelaide, Robertson & Co.; London, Macmillan & Co., 1884, p. 94.

53 Ling Roth, op. cit., pp. vii, 83; Tylor, op. cit., pp. 249-50.

54 For references to Furneaux and Mortimer, see Plomley, NJB, The Baudin Expedition and the Tasmanian Aborigines 1802, Blubber Head Press, Hobart, 1983, pp. 75, 188 and 201; Ling Roth, op. cit., p. 83; for La Billardière, see La Billardière, Jacques-Julien Houtou de, Voyage in Search of La Perouse, [microform] Performed by Order of the Constituent Assembly, During the Years 1791, 1792, 1793, and 1794, London, printed for John Stockdale, 1800, p. 127; for Ventenat, Raoul, La Motte du Portail and Bligh, see Plomley, NJB and Piard-Bernier, J, The General: The Visits of the Expedition Led by Bruny d’Entrecasteaux to Tasmanian Waters in 1792 and 1793, Launceston, Queen Victoria Museum, 1993, pp. 271-72; for Tobin, see Giblin, LF, Handbook to Tasmania, prepared for the members of the Australasian Association for the Advancement of Science on the occasion of its meeting in Hobart, January, 1928, Hobart, Government Printer, 1927, p. 98; see also Völger, op. cit., pp. 60-1.

55 Völger, op. cit., p. 61. Philip Jones identifies detailed evidence for the method in South Australia, New South Wales and central Australia. Jones also considers, with anthropologists Berndt, Calley and Mountfound, that the percussion method may have preceded the friction methods, especially because of its presence in Dreaming stories throughout southern Australia: Jones, Philip, Making Fire, Adelaide, unpublished, 2003, pp. 11 and 9-15.

56 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 143.

57 Plomley, The Baudin Expedition, p. 201; Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 260 n. 5.

58 Plomley and Piard-Bernier, op. cit., p. 272.

59 Westlake, Ernest, Letters to: the Mitchell Librarian, 28 February 1910 and 26 April 1910, Mitchell Library, ML 91, Inward Letters 1910; to Mr Blader, Mitchell Library, 6 May 1910, Mitchell Library, ML 91, Inward Letters 1910.

60 Westlake, Ernest, ‘Notebook 3’, Box 1, the Westlake Collection, Pitt Rivers Museum, Oxford University, p. 87.

61 Jones, Philip, op. cit., p. 20.

62 Gott, Beth, ‘Fire-Making in Tasmania: Absence of Evidence is Not Evidence of Absence’, Current Anthropology, 43, 4, 2002, pp. 650-56.

63 Plomley, NJB, A List of Tasmanian Aboriginal Material in Collections in Europe, in Ellis, Frank, ed., Records of the Queen Victoria Museum Launceston, Launceston, The Museum Committee/Launceston City Council, 1962, pp. 11-12.

64 Breen, Shayne, ‘Tasmanian Aborigines – Making Fire’, Tasmanian Historical Research Association Papers and Proceedings, 39, 1, 1992, p. 42.

65 Tylor, op. cit., p. 249.

66 Jones, Philip, op. cit., p. 2.

67 Morgan, John, The Life and Adventures of William Buckley, Thirty-Two Years a Wanderer Amongst the Aborigines of the Then Unexplored Country Round Port Phillip, Now the Province of Victoria, (originally published by Archibald Macdougall, Hobart, 1852), Heinemann, London, Melbourne, 1967, p. 43; also see Jones, Philip, op. cit., p. 3.

68 Jones, Philip, op. cit., p. 4.

69 Ling Roth, op. cit, p. 83; Fenton, op. cit., p. 94.

70 Hallam, Sylvia, Fire and Hearth: A Study of Aboriginal Usage and European Usurpation in South-Western Australia, Canberra, Australian Institute for Aboriginal Studies, 1975, p. 44; Jones, Philip, op. cit., p. 4. Breen also makes this point: ‘if one reason for carrying fire was to preserve it, this should not be taken as evidence that the Tasmanians could not make it’, Breen, op. cit., p. 41.

71 Plomley and Piard-Bernier, op. cit., pp. 270-73.

72 Jones, ‘Rocky Cape and the Problem of the Tasmanians’, p. 36.

73 Breen op. cit., p. 41; Tylor op. cit., p. 249.

74 Dening, Greg, Islands and Beaches; Discourse on a Silent Land: Marquesas, 1774-1880, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1980, pp. 37-42.

75 Jones, ‘Appendix: Tasmanian Tribes’, pp. 318-19; see also Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 11.

76 Westlake, op. cit., pp. 73, 77, 87; Taylor, Rebe, ‘Notebook 3, Tasmania’, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, 2003, p. 48; Taylor, Rebe, ‘Notebook 4’, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, 2003, pp. 4, 7, 50-50v. Ian McFarlane also writes that ‘fishing with the use of torch light and spears is still a common method of catching fish such as flounder in Tasmania today’: McFarlane, Ian, ‘Aboriginal Society in North West Tasmania: Dispossession and Genocide’, PhD Thesis, University of Tasmania, 2002, p. 13. McFarlane also notes that these memories may be substantiated by the journal of French explorer Nicolas Baudin whose crew, during his 1802 exploration of Tasmania, one night reported seeing ‘several natives a little way off on the shore. They also were fishing with torches’; ibid. McFarlane also considers the possibility that the traditional Tasmanian Aborigines used stone fish-traps, which is also the opinion of Aboriginal Cape Barren Islander Brendan ‘Buck’ Brown: Brown, B, ‘Some Old People Taught Me’, in Wells, K, ed., Crossing the Strait: Tasmania to the South Coast: The catalogue from exhibition of the same title held at the Wollongong City Gallery in February 1999, Orford and Wollongong, Continental Shift Association Inc. & Identity & Research Group, University of Wollongong, 2003, p. 31. For further discussion on the question of scale fish eating see Taylor, Rebe, ‘The Polemics of Eating Fish’, Aboriginal History, 31, 2007 (forthcoming).

9. NJB PLOMLEY’S CONTRIBUTION TO NORTH-WEST TASMANIAN REGIONAL HISTORY

1 Although Jones actually started his investigations in 1963, much of his later work was significantly informed and influenced by Plomley as well as by Friendly Mission.

2 The Goldie Incident refers to an attack on two Aboriginal women and a child at Cooee Point on 21 August 1829 by a party of VDL Company workers under the supervision of Alexander Goldie. One women was killed in particularly brutal circumstances, while the other, along with the now orphaned female child, were taken prisoner.

3 Windshuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Sydney, Macleay Press, 2002, Chapter Eight.

4 ibid., pp. 250-51.

5 Meston, AL, The Van Diemen’s Land Company, 1825-1842, Launceston, The Museum Committee, Launceston City Council, 1958.

6 Inward Despatch No. 11, Curr to Directors, 28 February 1828.

7 Inward Despatch No. 150, Curr to Directors, 7 October 1830.

8 Inward Despatch No. 1, Curr to Directors, 2 January 1828.

9 Inward Despatch No. 2, Curr to Directors, 14 January 1828.

10 Inward Despatch No. 4, Curr to Directors, 20 January 1828.

11 Inward Despatch No. 2, op. cit.

12 Inward Despatch No. 11, op. cit.

13 ibid.

14 Inward Despatch No. 150, op. cit.

15 Letter from Curr to Colonial Secretary, 18 May 1831.

16 Letter from Goldie to Arthur, 18 November 1830.

17 Letter from Goldie to Arthur, 5 October 1829.

18 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, p. 207.

19 ibid., pp. 211-15. Muttonbird is a colloquial name for the short-tailed shearwater (Puffinus tenuirostris).

20 ibid., pp. 229-30.

21 ibid., pp. 216-17.

22 ibid., p. 207.

23 ibid., p. 216.

24 ibid., p. 217.

25 The early date of 10 February suggests seafood to be a more likely focus of the hunt than muttonbirds, since it was too late in the season for the eggs, too early for decent-sized chicks and the adult birds would be away foraging for food at sea during the day. Robinson may have misunderstood what the Aboriginal women were trying to tell him, as the use of the term muttonfish for abalone at that time could easily result in confusion. When Robinson depicted Aborigines with their prepared supply of birds, he was clearly trying to reconstruct the scene of the massacre in his mind, since none of the witnesses had provided him with that sort of detail.

26 Pink, Kerry, And Wealth For Toil, Burnie, Advocate Printers, 1990, p. 63.

27 Blair, Claude, ed., Pollard’s History of Firearms, Middlesex, Hamlyn Publishing Group, 1983, p. 137.

28 Letter from Hellyer to TW White, 25 September 1828.

29 Public Records Office, London, PRO WO12/12084.

30 ibid., PRO WO17/292.

31 Windschuttle, op. cit., p. 264.

32 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 217.

33 ibid., p. 215.

34 ibid., p. 217.

35 Plomley, NJB, ed., Jorgen Jorgenson and the Aborigines of Van Diemen’s Land: Being a Reconstruction of His ‘Lost’ Book on Their Customs and Habits, and on His Role in the Roving Parties and the Black Line, Hobart, Blubber Head Press, 1991, p. 10.

36 Stockton, Jim, Cultural Resources Information for Cape Grim, Northwest Tasmania, prepared on contract for the Australian Heritage Commission, June 1979.

37 Inward Despatch No. 42, Curr to Directors, 13 February 1827.

38 Plomley, Jorgen Jorgensen, p. 8.

39 Arthur Papers A2209, Memorial from Jorgenson of 5 January 1828, cited in Lennox, G, Discarded Draft Paper: The Van Diemen’s Land Company and the Tasmanian Aborigines: A Re-appraisal, [Hobart?], G Lennox, [1991?], Appendix.

40 Hare, Rosalie Lee Ida, The Voyage of the Caroline from England to Van Diemen’s Land and Batavia, London, Longmans, Green, 1927, p. 41.

41 Plomley, NJB, ed., Weep in Silence: A History of the Flinders Island Aboriginal Settlement, Hobart, Blubber Head Press, 1987, p. 816.

42 ibid., p. 825.

43 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 956.

44 Outward Despatch No. 83, Court to Curr, 28 October 1828.

45 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 640.

46 ibid., pp. 712-13.

10. COMMUNITY VOICES

1 Muttonfish is the colloquial name for abalone.

11. HISTORIANS, FRIENDLY MISSION AND THE CONTEST FOR ROBINSON AND TRUKANINI

1 Clark, Manning, A History of Australia Volume II: New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land, 1822-1838, Parkville, Melbourne University Press, 1968, pp. 255-56.

2 Plomley, NJB, ‘Robinson, George Augustus’, in Shaw, AGL, and Clark, CMH, eds., Australian Dictionary of Biography Volume 2, Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 1967, p. 386.

3 Ryan, Lyndall, The Aboriginal Tasmanians, 1st ed., St Lucia, University of Queensland Press, 1981, pp. 124-73.

4 ibid., p. 172.

5 Shaw, AGL, Sir George Arthur, Bart., 1784-1854: Superintendent of British Honduras, Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen’s Land and of Upper Canada, Governor of the Bombay Presidency, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1980, p. 132.

6 Ryan, Lyndall, ‘The Struggle for Trukanini 1830-1997’, Tasmanian Historical Research Association, Papers and Proceedings, 44, 3, 1997, pp. 153-61.

7 Onsman, Andrys, ‘Truganini’s Funeral’, Island, 96, 2004, pp. 39-52.

8 West, Ida, Pride Against Prejudice: Reminiscences of a Tasmanian Aborigine, Canberra, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, 1984, pp. 88-9.

9 Rae-Ellis, Vivienne, ‘Trucanini’, Tasmanian Historical Research Association, Papers and Proceedings, 23, 2, 1976, pp. 26-39.

10 Ryan, Lyndall, ‘Trugernanner (Truganini)’, in Serle, Geoffrey, and Ward, Russel, eds., Australian Dictionary of Biography Volume 6, Melbourne, Melbourne University Press, 1976, p. 305.

11 Rae-Ellis, Vivienne, Trucanini: Queen or Traitor?, Hobart, OBM, 1976; Rae-Ellis, Vivienne, Trucanini: Queen or Traitor? rev. ed., Canberra, Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, 1981.

12 ibid., p. 38.

13 Pybus, Cassandra, ‘Robinson and Robertson’, in Manne, Robert, ed., Whitewash: On Keith Windschuttle’s Fabrication of Aboriginal History, Melbourne, Black Inc. Agenda, 2003, pp. 260, 261.

14 Ray-Ellis, Trucanini: Queen or Traitor?, rev. ed., p.36.

15 Anderson, Ian, ‘Reclaiming TRU-GER-NAN-NER: Decolonising the Symbol’, in van Toorn, Penny and English, David, eds., Speaking Positions: Aboriginality, Gender and Ethnicity in Australian Cultural Studies, Melbourne, Department of Humanities, Victoria Institute of Technology, 1995, pp. 31-47; West, Ida, ‘Truganini’, in Horton, David, ed., The Encyclopaedia of Aboriginal Australia, vol. 2, Canberra, Aboriginal Studies Press, 1994, pp. 1104-105; Reynolds, Henry, Fate of a Free People, Ringwood, Penguin, 1995, p. 149; Windschuttle, Keith, The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Volume One: Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1847, Sydney, Macleay Press, 2002, p. 376.

16 Robson, Lloyd, A History of Tasmania: Volume I: Van Diemen’s Land from the Earliest Times to 1855, Melbourne, Oxford University Press, 1983, p. 229.

17 Rae-Ellis, Trucanini: Queen or Traitor?, rev. ed., pp. 35; 16.

18 ibid., p. 43.

19 ibid., p. 45.

20 ibid., pp. 44-65.

21 Rae-Ellis, Vivienne, Black Robinson: Protector of Aborigines, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1988, pp. xx; 21.

22 ibid., pp. 27-33.

23 ibid., pp. 82; 94-8.

24 See Hobart Town Gazette, 23 June 1829 and Colonial Times, 21 September 1831. See also Smith, LR, The Aboriginal Population of Australia, Canberra, Australian National University Press, 1980, p. 169.

25 Pybus, Cassandra, Community of Thieves, Melbourne, William Heinemann, 1991, p. 61.

26 ibid., pp. 77; 81; 83; 84-87; 92; 97-132.

27 Pybus, ‘Robinson and Robertson’, p. 263.

28 Shaw, op. cit., p. 132.

29 Reynolds, op. cit., pp. 133; 136-37; 139.

30 Reynolds, op. cit., pp. 133-34.

31 ibid., pp. 133; 135-36; 139.

32 ibid., p. 149.

33 Reynolds, Henry, This Whispering in Our Hearts, St Leonards, Allen & Unwin, 1998, pp. 47-8.

34 See also McFarlane in this volume.

35 Windschuttle, op. cit., p. 205; Dumaresq to Colonial Secretary, 6, 7 November and 18 December 1829, Archives Office of Tasmania (hereafter AOT), Colonial Secretary’s Office (hereafter CSO), 1/316.

36 Windschuttle, op. cit., pp. 275-81; Colonial Times, 6 July 1827; AOT, CSO 1/316, pp. 15-45.

12. GEORGE AUGUSTUS ROBINSON IN VAN DIEMEN’S LAND: RACE, STATUS AND RELIGION

1 GA Robinson Journal, 14 September-7 December 1835, Papers, Vol. VII, Mitchell Library (hereafter ML), mss. A7032.

2 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, p. 310.

3 GA Robinson Journal, 1835-36, Papers, Vol. VII, ML, mss. A7032/III.

4 White, Charles Surgeon, An Account of the Regular Gradation of Man and in Different Animals and Vegetables; and from the Former to the Latter, London, [n.p.], 1799, p. 10.

5 ibid., p. 42.

6 Johnston, Anna, Missionary Writing and Empire, 1800-1860, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2003, p. 176.

7 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 310.

8 Prichard, James Cowles, The Natural History of Man: Comprising Enquiries into the Modifying Influence of Physical and Moral Agencies on the Different Tribes of the Human Family, 3rd ed., enlarged etc., London, Hippolyte Bailliere, 1848, p. v. (First published as Researches into the Physical History of Mankind, London, [n.p.], 1813.)

9 Blumenbach, Johann Friedriech, On the Natural Varieties of Mankind (De Generis Humani Varietate Nativa), translated and edited from the Latin, German, and French originals by Thomas Bendyshe, London, Longman, 1865, p. 276.

10 Prichard, Researches, 1813, p. iii.

11 Prichard, The Natural History of Man, 1843 ed., p. 5.

12 ibid., p. 5.

13 Prichard, The Natural History of Man, 1848 ed., p. 6.

14 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 52.

15 ibid., p. 186.

16 GA Robinson Journal, 22 September 1838, Papers, Vol. XIII, ML, mss. A7034.

17 Robinson to Whitcomb, 10 August 1832, Papers, Vol. XXXV, ML, mss. A7056.

18 Cited by Reynolds, Henry, in The Law of the Land, 3rd ed., Camberwell, Penguin, 2003, p. 180.

19 ibid., p. 183.

20 The High Court in 1996 determined that these rights could still survive the granting of a pastoral lease, whose granting in and of itself need not necessarily extinguish such rights.

21 Plomley, NJB, ed., Weep in Silence: A History of the Flinders Island Aboriginal Settlement, Hobart, Blubber Head Press, 1987, p. 521.

22 GA Robinson Journal, 17 October 1835, Papers, Vol. II, ML, mss. A7032.

23 GA Robinson, Six Monthly Report, 30 April 1838, Letterbook 1838-39, Vol. XXIV, ML, mss. A7044.

24 Plomley, Weep in Silence, p. 317.

25 ibid., p. 313.

26 GA Robinson, Six Monthly Report, July 1836, Letterbook 1836-38, Vol. XXIII, ML, mss. A7044.

27 Plomley, Weep in Silence, p. 328.

28 ibid., p. 298.

29 GA Robinson, Papers, Vol. XLIV, ML, mss. A7065

30 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 682.

31 ibid., p. 891.

32 ibid., p. 552.

33 Plomley, Weep in Silence, p. 298.

13. RECORDING THE HUMAN FACE OF WAR: ROBINSON AND FRONTIER CONFLICT

1 Fels, Marie, ‘Culture Contact in the County of Buckinghamshire, Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1811’, Tasmanian Historical Research Association, Papers and Proceedings, 29, 2, pp. 47-79; Moneypenny, Maria, ‘“Going out and Coming in”: Cooperation and Collaboration between Aborigines and Europeans in Early Tasmania’, Tasmanian Historical Studies, 5, 1, 1995-1996, pp. 64-75.

2 Morgan, Sharon, Land Settlement in Early Tasmania: Creating an Antipodean England, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1992, p. 21.

3 Plomley, NJB, ed., Jorgen Jorgenson and the Aborigines of Van Diemen’s Land: Being a Reconstruction of His ‘Lost’ Book on Their Customs and Habits, and on His Role in the Roving Parties and the Black Line, Hobart, Blubber Head Press, 1991, p. 113.

4 Plomley, NJB, The Aboriginal / Settler Clash in Van Diemen’s Land 1803-1831, Launceston, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery in association with the Centre for Tasmanian Historical Studies, 1992, p. 26.

5 Dumont d’Urville, Jules-Sébastien-César, Two Voyages to the South Seas (An account in two volumes of two voyages to the South Seas by Captain [later Rear-Admiral] Jules S-C Dumont d’Urville of the French Navy to Australia, New Zealand, Oceania, 1826-1829, in the corvette Astrolabe, and to the Straits of Magellan, Chile, Oceania, South East Asia, Australia, Antarctica, New Zealand and Torres Strait, 1837-1840, in the corvettes Astrolabe and Zelee), 2 vols., Rosenman, Helen, trans. and ed., Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1987, vol. 1, p. 192.

6 Connor, John, The Australian Frontier Wars, 1788-1838, rev. ed., Sydney, University of New South Wales Press, 2005, pp. 58; 91; 95.

7 Grey, Jeffrey, A Military History of Australia, rev. ed., Melbourne, Cambridge University Press, 1999, pp. 25-6.

8 Connor, op. cit., pp. 1-4.

9 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, p. 292.

10 ibid., p. 255.

11 Letter, Lieutenant William Williams, Police Magistrate Bothwell, to John Burnett, Colonial Secretary Van Diemen’s Land, 5 January 1828, Archives Office of Tasmania (hereafter AOT), Colonial Secretary’s Office (hereafter CSO), 1/320/7578/5.

12 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 297.

13 Connor, op. cit., p. 5.

14 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 586.

15 Connor, op. cit., pp. 19-20.

16 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 395.

17 ibid., p. 338.

18 ibid., pp. 526; 544-45; 603.

19 Reynolds, Henry, Fate of a Free People, rev. ed., Camberwell, Penguin, 2004, p. 41.

20 Plomley, The Aboriginal/Settler Clash, p. 18.

21 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 550.

22 ibid., p. 889.

23 ibid., pp. 584, 611 n. 36; Connor, op. cit., p. 89.

24 Plomley, The Aboriginal/Settler Clash, p. 18.

25 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 546.

26 ibid., p. 229; see also Ian McFarlane’s essay in this volume for analysis of Robinson’s interview with Gunchannon.

27 ibid., p. 254.

28 For more on the horse dance, see Clark, Julia, ‘Devils and Horses: Religious and Creative Life in Tasmanian Aboriginal Society’, in Roe, Michael, ed., The Flow of Culture: Tasmanian Studies, Canberra, Australian Academy of the Humanities, Canberra, 1987, pp. 50-72.

29 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 312.

30 Kennedy, Malcolm J, Hauling the Loads: A History of Australia’s Working Horses and Bullocks, Carlton, Melbourne University Press, 1992, pp. 45; 72-3; 157.

31 Letter, Michael Steel to Joseph Steel, 21 February 1827, quoted in Dow, Gwyneth and Dow, Hume, Landfall in Van Diemen’s Land: The Steels’ Quest for Greener Pastures, Melbourne, Press of the Footscray Institute of Technology, 1990, p. 45.

32 Launceston Examiner, 22 November 1860, quoted in Wyatt, DM, A Lion in the Colony: An Historical Outline of the Tasmanian Colonial Volunteer Military Forces, 1859-1901, Hobart, 6th Military District Museum, 1990, pp. 4-5.

33 Morgan, op. cit., p. 72.

34 Plomley, Friendly Mission, pp. 541; 584.

35 Plomley, The Aboriginal/Settler Clash, pp. 26; 85-90.

36 Extract from Van Diemen’s Land Executive Council Minutes, 27 August 1830, The National Archives [of the United Kingdom], CO 280/25, ff. 403-04.

37 Connor, op. cit., pp. 94-5.

38 ibid., pp. 97-8.

39 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 349.

40 For more on the supply of Black Line, see Connor, John, ‘British Frontier Warfare Logistics and the “Black Line”, Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania) 1830’, War in History, 9, 2, April 2002, pp. 143-58.

41 Letter, George Hill, Commissary Officer Launceston, to Colonel George Arthur, Lieutenant Governor Van Diemens Land, 20 October 1830, AOT, CSO 1/324/7578/9 Pt C.

42 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 315.

43 He referred to this structure as a ‘chevaux de frise’ (ibid., p. 349). Literally translated as ‘Frisian cavalry’ (Freisland is a Dutch province), this is a French military term for a barrier designed to obstruct foot soldiers.

44 ibid., p. 348.

45 ibid., p. 311.

46 Connor, The Australian Frontier, p. 95.

47 Plomley, Friendly Mission, p. 317.

48 Statement, George Augustus Robinson to Committee for the Care of Captured Aborigines, 20 January 1831, Archives Office of Tasmania, CBE 1, 1.

49 Keegan, John, The Face of Battle, London, Jonathan Cape, 1976.

50 Hart, Liddell and Henry, Basil, The Other Side of the Hill: Germany’s Generals, Their Rise and Fall, with Their Own Account of Military Events, 1939-1945, London, Cassell, 1951.

51 Connor, John, ‘The Tasmanian Frontier and Military History’, Tasmanian Historical Studies, 9, 2004, pp. 89-99.

15. AGAINST HERITAGE: AN AFTERWORD

1 Plomley, NJB, Friendly Mission, 2nd ed., Launceston, Hobart, Queen Victoria Museum and Art Gallery and Quintus Publishing, 2008, p. 91.

Reading Robinson: Companion Essays to George Robinson’s Friendly Mission

   by Anna Johnston and Mitchell Rolls