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Out Here: Gay and Lesbian Perspectives VI

Chapter 12

The Influence of Ageism on Relations between Old and Young Gay Men

Peter Robinson

For at least the last quarter of a century, the body has been a focus of considerable interest and study in sociology, history, and allied fields. As Deborah Lupton and others have observed, the strong emphasis on youth culture, physical prowess and ‘beauty’ in contemporary culture has meant that age has become a ‘negative cultural value’.1 Youth is now the most valued stage in the life cycle and, according to Michael Mittenauer, the young have now become society’s role models.2 If this is the case, and there seems little doubt that it is – notwithstanding the fact that the first of the baby-boomer generation are entering retirement – it would help explain why old age is rejected and why, according to Simone de Beauvoir, ‘[s]ociety looks upon old age as a kind of shameful secret that is unseemly to mention’.3

In The Changing World of Gay Men, I developed the argument that nowhere in contemporary Western society is this emphasis on youthfulness more pronounced than in the gay world. I examined the gay ‘scene’ – that site of physical display where young men are valorised for their youth and beauty – and then suggested that one might reasonably assume that old gay men would be rejected in the gay world for what they lacked in youthfulness or beauty. What my Australian interviewees told me was that indeed they felt marginalised in the gay world but that they were sanguine about their outcast status and in some cases pitied the young gay men for their superficial preoccupations.4

In Sex and Sensibility, Arlene Stein argues that as the lesbians she studied grew into middle age, their attachment to the non-heterosexual subculture changed: ‘as certainty about their lesbian identity grew, they… feel “at home” in the community with which they mainly identify, but also in numerous other contexts in which they participate and with which they feel some sense of identification’.5 Although I did not reach the same conclusion in The Changing World of Gay Men about the lives of the men in middle age and old age, I find this persuasive. It helps explain why gay men in their mid-40s and older become less concerned with the values and practices of the gay world and tend to lead what Stein calls more ‘decentred’ lives.6

This chapter considers how gay men aged 40 and over understand the ageism that operates in the gay world. It draws on data collected from interviews with 21 Australian and North American men aged between 40 and 79. The Australian men were recruited from Sydney and Hobart and the North American men from New York and Los Angeles – as part of a larger study on ageing in the gay world.7

The two primary narratives the men used were first, that gay men were ageist because the gay world was youth obsessed – a public narrative that is common to both homosexuals and heterosexuals – and second, that the young gay men they personally knew were not ageist and respected them. The four secondary narratives comprise stories about (a) respecting old gay men; (b) hustling as a conduit for beneficial relations between different generations of gay men; (c) teenage gays being oblivious to anyone older than 20; (d) old gay men as predatory or sexually undesirable. Both primary and secondary narratives are revealing for what they suggest about the varying influence that public and private narratives can have on gay men’s self identity and how they live their lives.

Method and Sample

My understanding of narrative identity theory follows the work of Alistair Macintyre who, along with scholars such as Edward Bruner, David Carr, and Ken Plummer, argues that personal and public narratives are constitutive, that is, the stories people tell about themselves and their place in the social world makes them who they are.8 With this in mind, I examined the two primary narratives and four secondary narratives that the interviewees drew on when asked how old gay men were regarded in the gay milieu.

The non-representative sample on which this chapter is based comprises 21 gay men, aged 40 and older, 10 of whom were from Australia and 11 of whom were from the United States. Of these men, two men were in their 70s (one from Hobart and one from New York); three men were in their 60s (two from Hobart, one from New York); 10 men were in their 50s (four from Hobart, three from New York, two from Sydney, one from Los Angeles); six men were in their 40s (four from New York, one from Hobart, one from Los Angeles).

The four cities from which the interviewees were drawn are similar in that they are situated in two western, advanced democracies, both of which were established as colonies of Great Britain and at some point in their history developed as white settler societies. New York and Los Angeles are arguably the two most important cities in the USA from the standpoint of culture, fashion, advertising, and public relations. New York is now the pre-eminent international city and is one of the most important international financial centres. Sydney is an international city and possibly the most well-known, influential Australian city but is dwarfed in size by New York and Los Angeles. Hobart, meanwhile, is the small capital city of a large island state. The four cities comprise therefore one megalopolis (New York), one metropolis (Los Angeles), one very large international city (Sydney) and one relatively small provincial capital city (Hobart).9 As mentioned, all four cities are situated in English-speaking countries that are affluent, advanced democracies.

New York, Los Angeles, and Sydney share in common well developed gay business and social communities, each with its own local idiosyncrasies.10 As Dennis Altman argued in 1989, the most resilient response to HIV/AIDS occurred in cities where established gay communities existed, for through these, gay men and their friends were able to organise and work together communally in face of the epidemic.11 These three cities no longer face the same threat to their existence that HIV/AIDS posed in the 1980s and 1990s but as some scholars have noted, many of the gay communities that responded communally and vigorously to the epidemic emerged stronger and more diverse after the epidemic passed. Hobart, on the other hand, is quite unlike the other three cities. It has only loosely developed gay social networks, which is not surprising given that it is a city of only 200,525 people and therefore the smallest of the four cities from which interviewees were drawn for this study. It also has the least developed gay culture and most gay socialising is done in the home of friends.12

The 10 Australian men interviewed for this study were all white and with the exception of two upper-class men (one a descendant of rich pastoralists, the other a retired public service head of department), were mostly upper-middle class or middle class. The Australian interviewees were recruited for this study in 2003, by word of mouth or on the recommendation of friends and colleagues. The 11 interviewees from the United States mostly came from upper-middle class or middle-class backgrounds and included two African-American men, two men who were HIV positive, and two upper-class men, both of whom were professors. The US interviewees were recruited for this study in 2009. The class background of the majority of US interviewees was shaped by the manner of recruiting them, which was via the gay and lesbian alumni network of an east coast university. The social network website Craigslist was my initial means of recruiting interviewees in the USA.

The question that each man answered was ‘How does the general community regard old gay men, and how do other gay men see them?’ For the purpose of this chapter, I am looking at the men’s answer to the second part of the question, that is, what views they believed other gay men to hold of old gay men.

Middle-aged and upper-middle class gay men are strongly represented in this sample and old men are only thinly represented. I am not sure that this is a serious weakness on the grounds that, as Christopher Lasch observed in the 1970s, ageism is most acutely felt in early to late middle age.13 By the time one has reached old age, other concerns take over, and the views of younger people are of less concern.

Primary Narratives

In answer to the question ‘How do other gay men see old gay men?’, the men interviewed for this study drew on two primary narratives and four secondary narratives. The two primary narratives the men used were first, that gay men were ageist because the gay world is youth obsessed and second, that the young gay men they personally knew were not ageist and respected them.

Youthful Obsession

Fourteen interviewees (or two thirds of the sample) cited the youth culture that prevails in the gay world as the reason for the ageist attitudes or practices also found there. Eight of these men were from Australia and six from the USA; two were in their 70s; three were in their 60s; six were in their 50s; and three were in their 40s. The narrative stream connecting the stories of the interviewees who told of youthful obsession runs as follows. Parry (aged 63), who is African-American and lives in New York City, said ageism was symptomatic of the values of US society in general. Such a view corresponds to what Michel Foucault said about ageism in the gay world in the 1980s, which is that, ‘[a]s to the worship of youthful bodies, I’m not convinced that it is peculiar at all to gays or in any way to be regarded as a pathology’.14

Unlike other interviewees who raised the matter, Parry was neither dejected nor felt worthless because of ageist practices or beliefs. On the contrary, he said that it was understandable that there were sites on the internet where people under 40 were not welcome but he regarded this as the expression of a ‘preference’, not evidence of prejudice. Interestingly, Parry understood ageism differently from almost all the other men interviewed for this study, that is, as a preference for men over 40. ‘When I was younger’, he said, ‘I liked older men and the older men now are younger men but they’re still the same age, in their 40s and 50s… I’ve always said I’ll always have somebody to have sex with and I carry that in my life now’.

By contrast, and speaking for the majority of interviewees, Noel, a 58-year-old man from Hobart, saw ageism in the gay world as a valorising of the young and beautiful, a consequence of the gay lifestyle. ‘The image of being gay’, he said, ‘was a young man in his late teens or early 20s or an older man being able to look young’, which corresponded to what another interviewee, Ross, aged 54, said. Also based in Hobart, Ross explained gay interest in youthfulness as follows:

There is certainly a culture in the gay community of appreciating beauty and youth and muscular development and athleticism. And because those tend to be more and better developed in young people, the focus is more on beauty of… young people.

Five men from this group spoke of the negative consequences of the youthful obsession in the gay world. First, a group of three men said it meant that old men were seen as ‘not sexy’, in the words of Leslie, aged 74. Second, two men from the United States, both of whom were in their 40s, described a negative consequence that Australian gay men know as ‘mutton dressed as lamb’, that is, where middle-aged men try to appear younger than they are.

Positive Personal Relations or Experiences

Seven interviewees or one third of the men interviewed for this study reported positive relations or experiences with gay men who were younger than they. Four of these men were from Australia and three from the USA; one was in his 70s; two were in their 60s; three were in their 50s; and one was in his 40s. Chief among the reasons the men gave for positive relations or experiences with younger gay men were (a) respect for the longevity of their relationships and (b) regard for their lived experience. The views of these men are represented by the accounts of Des, aged 50, who lives in Sydney, Parry, aged 63 who lives in the East Village, Manhattan, and Earl, aged 51, who also lives in Manhattan.

According to Des, who works as a health manager and has been in a relationship with his partner (aged 59) for more than 30 years, the young gay men in his friendship circle admire what he, his partner, and their friends in long-term relationships have achieved:

They did not know that it was possible. They think that we are lucky to have experienced it and wonder if they will too. They ask what it was that we did to make our lives possible. We find ourselves being lovely mentors to young gay people.

Parry’s experience of good relations with young gay men occurred in the setting of his HIV counselling as a volunteer. Young gay men are, he said, ‘attracted to my age, my stories about what it was like in the 1960s and 1980s… or the piano bars’. Earl’s views on positive relations between old gay men and young men were based on the regard that he as a 51-year-old has for old gay men. Earl’s previous partner was an older man who supported him in many ways and from what he observed of his previous partner’s friends, life is tough for old, gay men if they are not in his words, ‘big men’. It is also possible that his memory of his father, another of his ‘big men’, coloured his understandings of older gay men. ‘There is a mystique’, he said, ‘if you are a powerful fellow, a successful one. God forbid that you’re not powerful because then you are definitely marginalised and you fade in the background’. More discussion of respect for successful men follows in the section on secondary narratives, below.

One thing that struck me about gay life in certain districts of Manhattan was the greater ease with which relations were conducted between old gay men and young gay men. Sometimes money lubricated the social/sexual relations, sometimes not. But quite a sophisticated understanding seemed to exist of the give-and-take between young and old and a great deal less angst was associated with it than exists between gay men in Australia. Attitudes in Los Angeles were more like those in Australia – possibly because the beach culture and the cult of the body beautiful accentuate the divide between young and old.

In each city we might say there in one body type, the Platonic type for that locality… In L.A. the body is slender, the buttocks pneumatic with youth, the trail of gold dust shading the hollow just above the coccyx and between the pecs. Something fragile about the clavicle and tender about the nape causes the figure to oscillate between boyhood and maturity. The eyes are blue.15

In support of the observations that Edmund White made of Los Angeles in 1980, a 46-year-old man from Los Angeles I interviewed in 2009 said that in West Hollywood, ‘there is a strong youth culture that they don’t even befriend older people’.16

One other possible explanation for the greater acceptance of age difference in Manhattan might be the very high price of real estate and related high cost of rent. For example, one interviewee said the rent for his bed-sitter in Manhattan was approximately $3000 per month, admittedly it was situated around the corner from Fifth Avenue and within five minutes walk of Grand Central railway station. Even so, a number of the men who I interviewed in New York who had secure, middle-class jobs as a social worker or an accountant, could not afford to live in Manhattan and lived instead in one of the neighbouring boroughs such as Brooklyn or Queens.

Secondary Narratives

As mentioned, the four secondary narratives that the men interviewed for this study drew on comprised stories about first, respecting old gay men; second, hustling as a conduit for meaningful relations between different generations of gay men; third, teenage gay men being oblivious to anyone over the age of 20; and fourth, old gay men as predatory or sexually undesirable. The narratives represent only a small number of men interviewed for this study. Two men spoke about ‘respect’ and another two men spoke about ‘predatoriness’; then a different man spoke about each of ‘hustling’ and ‘teenagers’ ageism’.17 The stories are included nonetheless because of what they say about obstacles that can exist to better relations between gay men from different generations and because they have been observed by other scholars.18


Two men spoke of the respect with which they had seen young gay men treat older counterparts. Both men live in New York, are university educated and in their 50s. Hilton is 53 and works as a drug and alcohol counsellor with men who are HIV positive. As one of the HIV-positive men in the sample, his account of the respect with which young gay men regard the survivors of the HIV/AIDS epidemic has an autobiographical reference point:

There’s a sense that a lot of them… got through because they were lucky or they were… the most resourceful and adaptable people in general because they had so many challenges and barriers to survive. Gay men can be respected either because they lived through the HIV/AIDS epidemic or only if they have been successful.

Coincidentally, Hilton shares the other interviewee’s view that success is the other reason young gay men might respect older gay men. Earl’s view of success was made clear in an earlier section on ‘positive personal relations or experiences’ where he declared that unless an older gay man is powerful, he is ‘marginalised and… [fades] in the background’. In Earl’s view, the respect an old gay man receives depends on the success he has achieved in his working life, which is a particularly North American view of life course and the world of work. If a person has not been successful, in the eyes of this upper-middle-class man, he can seem comical: ‘they’re generally… fuzzy wig types and you watch them, especially the older, heavier ones that are like Buddhas, mob kingpins or something’. Successful men, however, can live a blessed life in New York.

I know an 85-year-old fellow. He’s my father’s age [and he] served in the War. He’s been married, has a great grandchild now… He is now in a second marriage essentially, to a man. He’s had… a major career as… a corporate attorney… and he was… way up there… [but] not out until the end of a 30-year marriage. He had sex during the war with a guy. He writes about the whole thing in his book. It is quite a story and I have a great deal of respect for him. He lives with his lover in a penthouse apartment on Christopher Street… beautiful fireplace, massive terrace, gorgeous. He is very comfortably well off, very well regarded. His kids come back for his birthday parties…

From Earl’s description, this successful man would seem to have all that anyone could ask for: love, affection, and respect from his children, grandchildren, and male partner. How his ex-wife feels about his success would be for another chapter. The man’s life also exemplifies studies of the dual life that many men were forced to lead who were born in the decades between the 1920s and 1940s and even sometimes later depending on their circumstances and birthplace.19


The idea that young gay men can develop rewarding, affective relationships with older counterparts through the means of prostitution was raised in the account of one man only. Colin is in his early 70s and lives in New York. Still actively involved in the local S&M scene, he is a well respected, upper-class artist who is also a reformed alcoholic. His initial response when asked how he understood young gay men’s view of old gay men was to say that they would hold negative views because old gay men are seen as sexually uninteresting or undesirable. He then added that when money changed hands, it was possible for something different to develop.

If you’re a young, beautiful man and an older man pays you, you can like them because the money makes it okay. I have a friend who does a lot of hustlers and has really developed a lot of connections, even relationships, with them which go well beyond the money. But the money makes it possible. They can relax, it takes it out of the bed. I’m only with him for the money but it isn’t that at all.

Colin believes that the money that changes hands between a male prostitute or hustler and his client allows for an emotional sleight of hand whereby the young man may allow himself to develop a closer relationship with the older man in a way that would be impossible if they met under any other situation. Similar accounts of such ‘situational logic’ were more common in published research on pre-liberation homosexual sexual practices.20 The sleight of hand in Colin’s view is that the hustler may justify his emotional closeness simply as a consequence of the money he receives for the sex he has with his client, whereas in Colin’s mind it is something other than this, something more resembling a quasi-relationship.

Teenagers’ Ageism

This narrative appeared in the account of one man, a secondary school teacher who discovered when on a summer vacation camp that the gay teenagers in his care displayed a startling lack of interest in the past. Timothy who is 46 said that the views that gay men in general held about anyone older than them were ‘also very complicated’ but that when he worked with young, gay teenagers in an upper-middle-class suburb of New York, he and his fellow volunteer workers were ‘a little stunned… that the kids didn’t really appreciate how far things had come and how much had been done for them’. Timothy was surprised that the teenagers he met on the camp were unaware of the work previous generations of gay men had done so that they could enjoy their relatively easy lives. In his view, the teenagers were simply mirroring the views of the broader gay community where he sensed that older gay men were seen as ‘pioneers in some way, but then there is another sense that people do not want to pay attention to that because it was yesterday’ and that young gay men see old gay men as distantly as they would their grandparents but possibly with less affection. Cultural ignorance is not something peculiar to gay teenagers; their unwillingness, however, to engage with or take up the unfinished social agendas of their parents’ generation of gay people might be a feature of their identity, as Ritch Savin-Williams explains in the North American context: ‘[y]oung [gay] people have little interest in subverting American civilisation… Besides… [they] never joined up to be members of a marginalised gay group in the first place’.21

Old Gay Men as Predatory or Sexually Undesirable

These two narratives that at first appear mutually exclusive are linked here because of an argument I developed in The Changing World of Gay Men, which was that an important reason young men spurned older men was that they resented their presence in social spaces where sexual exchange was available and expected.22 Depending on their age, a young gay man can regard any approach from someone he regards as ‘beyond the pale’ as un-cool, insulting, predatory, depending on the age of the man approaching them. One man spoke of old gay men’s predatoriness and one spoke of their sexual undesirability. Both topics have been previously explored by other scholars.23

Ross is 54 and as mentioned is from Hobart. Like a number of other men interviewed for this study, he admitted that there existed a variety of views toward older gay men. In his eyes they were spurned because of the regard for ‘beauty, youth, muscular development, and athleticism’ in the gay world. Linked to this in his mind, however, was the suspicion of old men ‘hanging around young men and being a nuisance and… unattractive and a threat. And the possibility of their preying on vulnerable, young men’. The last fear he described is of the ‘stranger danger’ that conservative governments publicised in Australia in the mid- to late 1980s.

Colin, whose views on hustling appeared in the subsection above, lives in New York and is still sexually active and involved in the club scene. As discussed, with the exception of hustling as a conduit for the development of rewarding, affective relations between old and young gay men, Colin suspected that young gay men did not view their older counterparts positively. And that this was so because they were regarded as not sexually desirable, because young men were, in Colin’s words, ‘not wanting to be sexual with [them]’.


The narrative stream connecting the interviewees’ stories linked the following points. First, that mainstream society has a history of ageism, which the gay world simply mirrors; second, that gay identity is associated with youthfulness; third, that consequences for gay men of the ageism that exists in the gay world are (a) old men being regarded as sexless; and (b) middle-aged gay men trying to act as though they are 20; and (c) that the youthful obsession of gay men made growing older harder.

Stories of older gay men’s experience of positive personal relations with young gay men point to evidence of their decentred lives, to use Arlene Stein’s phrase. That is, their lives are now less focused than they used to be on the social networks and institutions of the gay world and they can call on a wider variety of experiences and relationships to fill out their lives and identities.

The collection of secondary narratives that interviewees drew on strongly suggest the absence of a universalising view of old gay men. As the discussion showed, in the eyes of a subset of the sample of men interviewed for this chapter, old gay men can be seen as respected figures either because they lived through the HIV/AIDS epidemic or only if they have been successful; young gay men can develop affective relationships with them through the means of prostitution while very young gay men can regard them as distantly but with less affection as they would their grandparents.

Finally, despite the different cultural milieux from which the interviewees were drawn, a sense of commonality pervaded the stories they told of how old gay men were regarded and treated in the gay world, that is, by other, younger gay men. One explanation for the common strand running through their stories might be the internationalising effect of gay culture that has come about for a certain class of western gay men with the advent of relatively cheap air travel since the late 1970s and then more significantly, the advent of the internet since 1989.

Endnotes - Chapter 12

1 Deborah Lupton, Medicine as Culture: Illness, Disease and the Body in Western Societies, 2nd edn, London: Sage, 2003, pp. 41–42.

2 Michael Mitternauer, A History of Youth, trans. G. Dunphy, Oxford: Blackwells Publishers, 1992, p. 41.

3 Simone de Beauvoir, Old Age, trans. P. O’Brien, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1977, p. 7.

4 Peter Robinson, The Changing World of Gay Men, Basingstoke; New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008, chs 5 and 9.

5 Arlene Stein, Sex and Sensibility: Stories of a Lesbian Generation, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997, p. 152.

6 ibid., pp. 152–153.

7 The larger research project comprises 60 men recruited for a book I am writing for Palgrave Macmillan, UK. The interviews were collected 2009–2010 from men from Australia, England, Hong Kong, India, New Zealand, and the United States.

8 Alasdair MacIntyre, ‘The Virtues, the Unity of a Human Life, and the Concept of a Tradition’, in Lewis P. Hinchman and Sandra K. Hinchman, eds, Memory, Identity, Community: The Idea of Narrative in the Human Sciences, New York: State University of New York, 2001, pp. 241–263; Edward Bruner, ‘Ethnography as Narrative’, in Hinchman and Hinchman, eds, Memory, Identity, Community, pp. 264–280; David Carr, ‘Narrative and the Real World: An Argument for Continuity’, in Hinchman and Hinchman, eds, Memory, Identity, Community, pp. 7–25; Kenneth Plummer, Telling Sexual Stories: Power, Change and Social Worlds, London: Routledge, 1995.

9 Hobart (200,525), Sydney (4,119,190), Australian Bureau Quick Stats, October 2007. Los Angeles (9,862,049 [2008 estimate]), New York (19,280,753 [2005–2007 estimates]), US Census Bureau Quick Facts.

10 For discussion of some of these cities’ idiosyncrasies, see, Edmund White, States of Desire: Travels in Gay America, London: Pan Books Ltd, 1986; Graham Willett, Living Out Loud: A History of Gay and Lesbian Activism in Australia, St Leonards, NSW: Allen and Unwin, 2000; Garry Wotherspoon, ‘City of the Plain’: History of a Gay Sub-culture, Sydney: Hale and Iremonger, 1991.

11 Dennis Altman, ‘AIDS and the Reconceptualization of Homosexuality’, in Dennis Altman et al., Homosexuality, Which Homosexuality, London: GMP Publishers, 1989, pp. 35–48.

12 When I visited Hobart in January 2003 to interview men for this study, the city had two gay bars, ‘Cruise Bar’, which opened every second weekend and ‘La-La-Land’, which was open every Saturday night but which has since closed.

13 Christopher Lasch, The Culture of Narcissism: American Life in an Age of Diminishing Expectations, New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1991 [1979].

14 Michel Foucault, ‘Sexual Choice, Sexual Act’, in Paul Rabinow, ed., Ethics: Essential Works of Foucault 1954–1984, vol. 1, trans. Robert Hurley et al., Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 2000, p. 153.

15 White, States of Desire, p. 15.

16 Jude, aged 46.

17 All but one came from New York.

18 Among scholars who have raised these matters are the following: Martin P. Bell and Alan P. Weinberg, Homosexualities: A Study of Diversity among Men and Women, Melbourne: The Macmillan Company of Australia, 1978; Raymond M. Berger, Gay and Gray: The Older Homosexual Man, 2nd edn, Binghamton, New York: The Haworth Press, 1996; Tim Bergling, Reeling in the Years: Gay Men’s Perspectives on Age and Ageism, Binghamton, New York: The Haworth Press, 2004; Martin S. Weinberg and Colin J. Williams, Male Homosexuals: Their Problems and Adaptations, New York: Penguin Books Inc., 1975.

19 For more discussion of the influence of historical context, class, and birthplace on homosexual sexual practices, see, for example, George Chauncey, Gay New York: Gender, Urban Culture, and the Making of the Gay Male World, 1890–1940, New York: Basic Books, 1994; Robinson, Changing World; Yorick Smaal, ‘Queensland’s Emerging Homosexual Subculture and Public Space, 1890–1914’, in N. Stead and J. Prior, Queer Space: Centres and Peripheries, University of Technology Sydney, 2007, pp. 1–5, available at, date accessed 8 October 2010; Wotherspoon, ‘Cities of the Plain’.

20 See, for example, Chauncey, Gay New York; Clive Moore, Sunshine and Rainbows: The Development of Gay and Lesbian Culture in Queensland, St Lucia, Qld: University of Queensland Press, 2001; Robinson, Changing World; Smaal, ‘Queensland’s Emerging Homosexual Subculture and Public Space’; Wotherspoon, ‘Cities of the Plain’.

21 Ritch C. Savin Williams, The New Gay Teenager, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005, p. 202.

22 Robinson, Changing World, chs 5 and 9.

23 Bell and Weinberg, Homosexualities; Berger, Gay and Gray; Bergling, Reeling in the Years; Weinberg and Williams, Male Homosexuals.

Cite this chapter as: Robinson, Peter. 2011. ‘The Influence of Ageism on Relations between Old and Young Gay Men’, in Out Here: Gay and Lesbian Perspectives VI, edited by Smaal, Yorick; Willett, Graham. Melbourne: Monash University Publishing. pp. 188–200.

Out Here: Gay and Lesbian Perspectives VI

   by Yorick Smaal, Graham Willett