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Fault Lines Exposed: Advantage and Disadvantage Across Australia’s Settlement System

CHAPTER FIVE

GOOD THINGS COME IN SMALL PACKAGES, BUT WHAT ABOUT SMALL TOWNS?

Scott Baum
Kevin O’Connor
Robert Stimson

This chapter moves down the settlement system and considers the small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions. These are places with populations less than 10,000 but they still have urban populations greater than 50 per cent. The classification methodology outlined in Chapter One produced four groups, once again divided by various levels of advantage and disadvantage – two groups of places are essentially classified as advantaged while the remaining two show some collective signs of disadvantage. The two advantaged groups are income/employment advantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions and population-growth advantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions. The disadvantaged places include agricultural-based disadvantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions and population-stagnant/employment disadvantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions. The chapter discusses each of these in turn.

INTRODUCTION

Outside of the large regional centres that make a significant contribution to Australia’s population settlement system are the smaller regional centres that while predominantly still urban, have smaller populations. It is these places in general (together with the more rural parts of the country discussed in the next chapter) that attract significant attention, particularly in the context of a decline in the provision of services. Discussing the problem of decline in rural and agricultural-based localities, Mathew Tonts (1996 p. 24) says that:

 

The economic, social and environmental changes which have affected Australian agriculture since the mid-1970s have given rise to increasing concern not only for the sustainability of family farming, but also for the continuing viability of county towns.

Along similar lines, some authors including Lawrence and Williams (1990), Gray and Lawrence (2001) and Pritchard and McManus (2000) have explained that the problems of regional and rural disadvantage are often more widespread and generally of a more chronic nature than the situations in urban localities.

The literature is not, however, replete with stories of decline in small regional and rural areas. Other authors including Burnley and Murphy (2004) and Beer et al. (2003) have illustrated how some localities have witnessed a turnaround, and have, like the large cities, towns and regions discussed in Chapter Four, been able to better position themselves, or reposition themselves, in the face of a different economic situation. In a report published by the Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation (Macadam et al. 2004) the authors, while acknowledging the disadvantage that exists, also point to the success stories:

 

Australia is a picture of many dead and dying towns and villages, some large and thriving towns and cities, and a few smaller ones that appear to be surviving against the odds. Given the relentless decline in farmers’ terms of trade, and the persistence of mind-sets that hold that rural Australia is agriculture, this trend will continue until the existing diversity and wider potential of rural Australia is accepted and encouraged. Evidence for change lies in the surviving and thriving communities that have taken their future into their own hands and have identified and used their natural advantages. These are a sign that community decay can be avoided given local leadership, wide participation, resources and community will and capacity for change (p. 8).

So as with the large non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions, those places with smaller populations are reflecting a variety of outcomes, outcomes that have developed into regional divides and fault lines.

DIFFERENTIATING THE SMALL NON-METROPOLITAN CITIES, TOWNS AND REGIONS

The small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions are the focus of this chapter. These are places with populations less than 10,000 but they still have urban populations greater than 50 per cent. Like the larger places some are significant settlements in their own right, but others are part of a more disaggregated settlement pattern within a larger region. The average population size is 5,230, but the populations range from 1,646 people (Dundas Shire in the Western Australian Goldfields) to 9,883 (Belyando Shire in Queensland).

Figure 5.1 Typology of advantaged and disadvantaged localities in Australia’s small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions

Putting the 126 cites, towns and regions through the classification methodology outlined in Chapter One produced four groups, once again divided by various levels of advantage and disadvantage – two groups of places are essentially classified as advantaged while the remaining two show some collective signs of disadvantage (Figure 5.1, above). Mining is again the big winner, with regions strongly associated with extractive industries showing good socio-economic performance. Being a service town also appears to be an indicator of advantage. Disadvantage is associated with agricultural sectors and old-economy regions. In some ways the differences do reflect those occurring within the larger scale regions and towns but there are some differences and these can be seen in the data presented in Tables 5.1ac and 5.6ah. The two advantaged groups are 11 income/employment advantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions and 19 population-growth advantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions. The disadvantaged places include 38 agricultural-based disadvantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions and 58 population-stagnant/employment disadvantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions.

ADVANTAGED SMALL NON-METROPOLITAN CITIES, TOWNS AND REGIONS

AND THE WINNER IS... MINING, AGAIN! (INCOME/EMPLOYMENT ADVANTAGED SMALL NON-METROPOLITAN CITIES, TOWNS AND REGIONS)

The booming mining localities of the large urban non-metropolitan places have their equal in the smaller cites, towns and regions and like the larger places they are characterised by high incomes. Like the larger places they have benefited by strong resource prices and are the places likely to be labelled as ‘booming along’. But these smaller places are different to their larger counterparts. Many of the large places had a service town function associated with them, providing the local population with a range of services including access to government services, significant health facilities and recreation facilities. These smaller places appear to be different. Some of these regions are small settlements or purpose built company towns that support the local industry. Some of these places are also associated with the fly-in-fly-out operations that have become more common in Australian mining operations (Beer et al. 2003). Workers effectively commute into largely remote mining localities rather than live there. The shift to this type of operation on the part of mining companies has seen a changing face to many places that were once busy towns. While the wider regional economic impact of these settlements may have changed (Kimberley Development Board 1999; O’Connor and Kershaw 1999; Beer et al. 2003) there is still strong signs of economic advantage.

Geographically, the income/employment advantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions are concentrated in Queensland and Western Australia (Table 5.2). They include Cook – Weipa (with the township of Weipa constructed by Comalco in the 1960s) and Broadsound (townships of St. Lawrence, Middlemount and Dysart) in Queensland and the East Pilbara (home to Newman and its iron ore mine) and Coolgardie in Western Australia. The Northern Territory has two localities – Jabiru (Ranger Uranium Mine) and Nhulunbuy –while South Australia has the company town of Roxby Downs (Olympic Dam copper uranium mine and processing plant) (Box 5.1).

Again advantage is driven by income, with miners working long hours and being rewarded by high pay. Wages and Salaries in this group of cities, towns and regions is well above the average for the whole of the small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions, at about $45,000. The Shire of Broadsound in Queensland has the highest average wages and salaries earned at $51,175. Despite this there are more low-income households than high-income households, but the ratio is not as bad as the disadvantaged places. Again, miners don’t seem to save or invest much. The measure of wealth and savings – imputation credits and interest earned – is below the average for this group of localities. Not surprisingly, the economic base of this group of cities, towns and regions is heavily focused on mining with, on average, around 36 per cent of all employment being in this sector. There is some agricultural activity but employment is below the average, and mass goods and services industries employ a large proportion of the workforce, although again this is below the average.

Table 5.1a Means of socio-economic variables, four groups of small, non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions
Notes: Cells that are bold and shaded indicate that this is an important differentiating variable and sets this group apart from others.
Cells that are bolded only indicate that this is an important variable, but does not individually differentiate this group from others.
Cells in italics indicate that the variables are of interest in that the mean is above or below the average, but they do not differentiate the groups from others.

Table 5.1b Means of socio-economic variables, four groups of small, non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions (continued)
Notes: Cells that are bold and shaded indicate that this is an important differentiating variable and sets this group apart from others.
Cells that are bolded only indicate that this is an important variable, but does not individually differentiate this group from others.
Cells in italics indicate that the variables are of interest in that the mean is above or below the average, but they do not differentiate the groups from others.

Table 5.1c Means of socio-economic variables, four groups of small, non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions (continued)
Notes: Cells that are bold and shaded indicate that this is an important differentiating variable and sets this group apart from others.
Cells that are bolded only indicate that this is an important variable, but does not individually differentiate this group from others.
Cells in italics indicate that the variables are of interest in that the mean is above or below the average, but they do not differentiate the groups from others.

Disadvantage is not abundantly apparent in these small mining localities, although it does exist. The labour market is strong with high rates of labour-force participation and low levels of unemployment being the key indicators; places such as Cook – Weipa and Jabiru have participation rates around 80 per cent, while unemployment is less than 3 per cent. Vulnerable occupations do not dominate the occupational characteristics of this group and those who are working are relatively less likely to be working on a part-time basis. Nor are there high numbers of people with only a basic level of education. Other indicators that one might associate with disadvantage are present, but are generally below the average. There are some households headed by single-parents and there are even some families with no parental wage earner, but the proportion of these households is below the average. Not surprisingly, the mining localities do not have high proportions of households suffering from financial hardship caused by the combination of low incomes and high housing costs. There are also low levels of government income support flowing to these areas, especially in terms of pensions and rental assistance.

Table 5.2 Mining advantaged localities

Box 5.1 Roxby Downs (South Australia), a mining advantaged locality

 

The Roxby Downs SLA, located to the north-west of Adelaide in the far north of South Australia, contains the purpose built town of the same name that houses and supports the families of the Olympic Dam workforce. The mining operation at Olympic Dam consists of a sophisticated underground mine, which is Australia’s largest, producing over 9 million tonnes of ore each year. Reflecting the main economic activity of the region, over 40 per cent of the workforce is employed in the mining sector. As an overall indicator of advantage, the ABS index of socio-economic advantage/disadvantage is high, with Roxby Downs being in the top decile. More specifically, advantage is reflected in high incomes and positive labour-market outcomes. The average level of wages and salaries is well above average ($45,570) and there are at least ten times more high-income households than low-income households. ABS data indicates that almost all personal income is derived from wages and salaries with only 1 per cent coming from government transfers (less than 1 per cent of people receive aged pensions and about 1 per cent receive rent assistance). The region has low unemployment rates (2.9 per cent) and youth unemployment is 8 per cent. The labour-force participation rate is 83 per cent, well above the average. Full-time jobs account for a significant proportion of employment with part-time jobs only accounting for 20 per cent. There are few families with no employed parent (2.2 per cent) and there are only 5 per cent of families that are single-parent families. Age dependency is low (1.5 per cent) and there is little sign of households suffering financial stress associated with high housing costs.

A SMALL SEA-CHANGE (POPULATION-GROWTH ADVANTAGED SMALL NON-METROPOLITAN CITIES, TOWNS AND REGIONS)

Sea-changers or down-sizers are not only restricted to relocating to the large coastal cities, towns and regions – it is a phenomena that is impacting on other regions and towns elsewhere (Table 5.3). And it is not just amenity driven places either as there are some smaller places, sometimes close to larger metropolitan regions or larger regional cities and towns, that might be considered to be the future (or even current) peri-urban areas of some cities. This is part of what Parker and Jarecki (2003) from the University of Western Sydney call the urban rural interface, which may become part of the commuting zone for extended metropolitan areas. There are also other places, while sharing similar demographic trends to the coastal sea-change localities, are located inland and might be referred to as tree-change localities. Some of the small sea-change regions and towns are places in transition as people move in looking for a lifestyle that affords the best of both rural and urban existence. Other places might be more traditional retirement regions and hence show more disadvantaged characteristics than advantaged characteristics. This group of cities, towns and regions is mostly about these changes, but is also generally about advantage.

The small sea-changers which consist of larger shires or parts of shires with smaller urban towns include Yass (including Yass, Binalong and Murrumbateman) in New South Wales, Macedon Ranges – Romsey (Romsey and Lancefield) (Box 5.2) and Moorabool –West (near Ballarat) in Victoria and Crows Nest Part A (Highfields and Blue Mountain Heights) and Pittsworth in Queensland. In Western Australia there is Dardanup Shire Part A and Harvey Shire Part A (both part of the Bunbury urban centre), while in Tasmania there is Meander Valley Part A (Hadspen) near Launceston. In the Northern Territory are the SLAs of Tennant Creek and Petermann (Yulara) although these might not of course fit the sea-change or tree-change label.

Population change and change in the number of employed people are the defining features of these places. In both cases the small sea-change cities, towns and regions on average have recorded relatively high rates of growth. In economic terms there is some signs of advantage with above average levels of people employed in new-economy jobs and in occupations classified as educated professional. This is possibly an outcome of some places being within commuting distance of larger urban areas. As with larger sea-change localities there is an above average level of part-time employment. Disadvantage does not stand out, but neither does advantage. They are not necessarily high-income places (wages and salaries are not a defining feature) and they do have below average levels of bank interest received. These are not necessarily the retirement localities associated with the larger sea-change places either – there are below average proportions of both older people relative to the workforce and those receiving an aged pension. There is a small, but never-the-less above average, migrant presence pointing to the attraction of some of these places to overseas migrants (Parker and Jarecki 2003), but at the same time the level of people with poor English skills is low.

Table 5.3 Small sea-changers

Box 5.2 Macedon Ranges – Romsey (Victoria), a small sea-changer

 

The SLA of Macedon Ranges – Romsey located just beyond the Melbourne extended metropolitan region is an example of a sea-change or tree-change locality that may eventually become part of the wider peri-urban region. The ABS characterise this SLA as inner-regional and in 2003 the estimated resident population was 10,841, the majority of whom were aged between 15 and 44 years. Population and employment change and above average incomes are characteristics of this region. Between 1991 and 2001 the rate of population growth was 25.3 per cent (or around 2.5 per cent per annum) and growth in employment was higher at 32.9 per cent. The annual wage and salary for Macedon Ranges – Romsey is around $34,000 and there are around 1.5 times more high-income households than low-income households (although these two indicators did not necessarily differentiate the entire group of SLAs). Around 80 per cent of all personal income comes from wages and salaries, with about equal shares being attributed to investment incomes and government transfers (around 7 per cent each). Interest received and imputation credits are both below average at between $400 and $500 respectively. Only 5.4 per cent of the population receive an aged pension and a low 2.5 per cent receive rental assistance. The ABS index of relative socio-economic advantage/disadvantage places Macedon Ranges – Romsey in the 7th decile indicating above average level of socio-economic advantage. There is employment in new-economy industries (14.0 per cent) and mass goods and services account for the largest share of employment at 30.9 per cent. Educated professionals account for one-fifth of occupations with vulnerable occupations accounting for around 16 per cent. Reflecting the advantaged position of this SLA there is below average unemployment (around 5 per cent) with youth unemployment at 12 per cent. The rate of labour-force participation is 65 per cent – above the average. Part-time employment is slightly above the average at 30.9 per cent. Both indicators of disadvantaged families, single-parents and non-earner households, are below average and there is a below average level of age dependency.

DISADVANTAGED SMALL NON-METROPOLITAN CITES, TOWNS AND REGIONS

LOW DOWN ON THE FARM (AGRICULTURAL-BASED DISADVANTAGED SMALL NON-METROPOLITAN CITIES, TOWNS AND REGIONS)

Some smaller regional cities and towns, like their larger counterparts, are feeling the impacts of the declining agricultural sector, with many appearing to be in crisis (Gray and Lawrence 2001; Lockie and Bourke 2001). Like the large non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions, the smaller places are feeling the effects of ‘falling off the sheep’s back’ (Foreign Affairs and Trade 2001). Located in regions similar to the larger agricultural- based cities, towns and regions, the places included in this group consist of agricultural-based shires with small urban service regions and towns which survive on pastoral and agricultural incomes (Table 5.4). When farm incomes falter, these places find the going tough and witness a decline in opportunity and a spiral of disadvantage (Gray and Lawrence 2001; Conway 1995; Gow 1994; Gray et al. 1993). Again as Ian Gray and Geoff Lawrence suggest, the process of change in regional Australia is:

 

to a substantial degree, propelled by the restructuring of farming. The social, as well as economic bases of farming are changing fundamentally...From a sociological perspective we see people and their communities being forced to make fundamental changes which are likely to affect them detrimentally and severely, potentially affecting their livelihoods, state of health and general quality of life (Gray and Lawrence 2001 p.53).

In this situation services such as banking, health and educational facilities sometimes become harder to access or disappear altogether, because the economic situation means the population starts to move to larger urban centres and to large cities (Sorenson 1992). And the population decline in these places is exacerbated by the out-migration of people in the 15 to 45 year age groups seeking education and job opportunities in the larger regional centres and the capital cities.

So where are these places? Bingara and Barraba (Box 5.3) shires (both dominated by towns of the same name) and Bland (with West Wyalong and Ungarie) in New South Wales are included. In Queensland the shires of Gayndah, Winton and Paroo (with Cunnamulla), make the list, while in Victoria North Grampians – St Arnaud (located in the Shire of North Grampians and on the edge of the Mallee Plains) and Corangamite – North (home to towns such as Camperdown and Lismore) are included. Across the border in South Australia there is the district council of Naracoorte and Lucindale (with towns of the same name) and Streaky Bay (near Port Lincoln on the Eyre Peninsula). The farmers in Western Australia are represented by the Shires of Kojonup and Wagin (both with towns of the same name) and Moora.

Table 5.4 Agricultural-based disadvantaged small localities

Again low incomes are the defining feature of this group. Wages are lower than the average for the whole of the small urban non-metropolitan places and there are more low-income households than there are high-income households. Places such as Streaky Bay in South Australia and Gayndah in Queensland have quite low levels of wages and salaries, with both places at around $22,000. The population drain that the likes of Bernard Salt (2001) and others talk about is evident with population decline likely to be caused by ‘the flight and non-return of youth’ (Forth and Howell 2002 p. 6). Occupations classified as educated professionals are not abundant in these declining agricultural regions and the people-based jobs (mass goods and services) are also absent to a large extent. Possibly reflecting the declining population base of these places, there are also low proportions of construction workers. The proportion of people employed in agriculture is relatively high. There are above average levels of people receiving aged pensions and consequently high levels of age dependency, but there is a below average level of single-parent families, households in public rental (probably due to the lack of public housing available) and people who have recently migrated to Australia. People owning their homes are above the average – but then again so are people on low incomes and paying high mortgage repayments. Finally, despite the income disadvantage this group does have above average proportions of imputation credits and interest received. Like other agricultural-based places, the agricultural-based disadvantaged small localities are income poor but apparently asset rich.

Box 5.3 Barraba (New South Wales), the low down on the farm

 

The SLA of Barraba (including the urban settlement of the same name) is located in New South Wales and is an example of a region suffering from the decline in agricultural incomes. While the region has had some exposure to mining industries (including a white asbestos mine, which was closed down soon after mining had begun because of the deadly long-terms effects of asbestos inhalation) much of its economic base is dependent on agriculture, with 40 per cent of employed people working in the industry. Mass goods and services industries are the other big employer. Not surprisingly new-economy employment and educated professionals do not figure significantly, and large proportions of adults left school at 15 years of age. Reflecting the declining populations that have become characteristic of many agricultural based regions, Barraba has, over the period 1991 to 2001, lost population (–13.4 per cent) and employed people (–12.2 per cent). Average wages are low in this region ($24,743) and there are almost 8 times as many low-income households as high-income households. Of total personal incomes, wages account for just over 50 per cent, with government transfers accounting for almost a quarter. Barraba is in the bottom decile of the ABS advantage/disadvantage index (indicating low socio-economic status). Despite the poor level of wages, interest received from bank deposits is, on average, high at $928. Other indicators of disadvantage are also present in Barraba. Unemployment is high (10 per cent) and youth unemployment is 24 per cent. Perhaps not surprisingly the labour-force participation rate sits at around 50 per cent. Non-earner families are above the average, as is the level of age dependency, and the proportion of people receiving an aged pension is around 18 per cent.

REGIONAL EMPLOYMENT PROBLEMS (POPULATION-STAGNANT/EMPLOYMENT DISADVANTAGED SMALL NON-METROPOLITAN CITIES, TOWNS AND REGIONS)

A fact of life in regional Australia is that while some places were once quite prosperous cities, towns and regions and had strong urban centres, today some of these places have seen disadvantage similar to that being faced in other areas affected by the restructuring of economic activity (Table 5.5). We have seen these places in metropolitan regions and also in the large non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions discussed earlier. Again the shift away from protectionism and the reorganisation of old-economy type activities has had a large impact on these places (Beer et al. 2003). Manufacturing jobs, which may have once been the drivers of economic prosperity in many areas, have since dried up or at the least slowed down to a very slow crawl, and new replacement drivers have not been forthcoming. Again it has been these places (alongside the declining agricultural regions) that have been at the centre of concerns regarding the demise of services that seem to follow economic decline and population loss or stagnation (Sorenson 1992).

Table 5.5a Unemployment centres

Table 5.5 Unemployment centres (continued)

Gloucester and Bourke in New South Wales are included in this group as are Maryborough (shire of Central Goldfields) (Box 5.4) and Castlemaine in Victoria. In Queensland, the Shire of Murgon (with Murgon and Cherbourg) and Goondiwindi are included, while in South Australia Peterborough and Flinders Ranges District Council (towns of Quorn and Hawker) that were once important railway settlements are included. In Western Australia, Collie (with Collie and Allanson) and Carnarvon make the list and in Tasmania the mainly urban part of George Town Council (with George Town and Low Head) with its focus on aluminium is included.

Like the small-agricultural based places low incomes characterise this group of regions and towns. Wages are slightly below the average and there are more low-income households than high-income households. However, the real defining characteristics are the poor labour-market outcomes. Suffering the effects of restructuring, this group has problems with above average rates of unemployment and youth unemployment. Moreover, the rate of labour-force participation is below average and for those who are working, vulnerable occupations account for about a quarter of all employment. There are jobs in mass goods and services industries (electricity, gas and water as well as retail, education and health). There has been population decline and a fall in the number of people employed and there is ample evidence of widespread disadvantage. There are above average proportions of single-parent families and families with no employed parent, high numbers of aged people relative to working age people and above average proportions of aged pension recipients and people receiving rental assistance.

Box 5.4 Central Goldfields – Maryborough (Victoria), an unemployment centre

 

Central Goldfields – Maryborough located on the northern slopes of the Great Dividing Range is a member of the group of population-stagnant/employment disadvantaged small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions. The region has some agricultural industry as well as manufacturing industry which is reflected in the above average level of old-economy employment in the region (12.4 per cent) and the large proportions of occupations classified as vulnerable (28 per cent). Local industries include steel production, welding factories and the manufacturing of leather and chamois goods. Disadvantage is reflected in the ABS index of socio-economic advantage/disadvantage which places Central Goldfields – Maryborough in the bottom decile. Disadvantage is also reflected in poor employment outcomes and in low-incomes. Unemployment is above average at 10 per cent and youth unemployment is just under 18 per cent, while the labour-force participation rate is under 50 per cent. Average wages and salaries are below average at around $26,000 and there are over eight times more low-income households than high-income households. Sixty per cent of personal income comes from wages and salaries, while government transfers contribute a further 25 per cent (18.4 per cent of people receive aged pensions and 6.3 per cent receive rental assistance). Single-parent families and non-earner families are high at around 17 per cent each and there is a high rate of age dependency (37 per cent). Financial stress associated with paying rents is high at 24 per cent.

SUMMARY

We have considered in this chapter the differences in advantage and disadvantage across the 126 small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions identified in the study. Like their large counterparts, the smaller places have seen both winners and losers associated with the broad socio-economic restructuring that has taken place. Some cities, towns and regions are reflecting indicators of successful outcomes, while others are witnessing disadvantage with low incomes and negative employment outcomes being characteristic. Again added to this are the problems that researchers such as Wendy Stone (2000) and others discuss which come from a breakdown in social support mechanisms which act to further disadvantage families and communities within places already struggling from negative economic outcomes.

As with the large non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions, the pattern of differentiated advantage and disadvantage across space is complex as well as uneven. In the analysis presented in this chapter, income and employment advantage associated with the mining sector is once again associated with positive outcomes, and these show through in the data presented for the small mining cities, towns and regions. Population growth is also associated with advantage with sea-change or tree change localities including places such as Yass in New South Wales and Macedon Ranges – Romsey in Victoria having positive outcomes, although these are generally not as strong as the mining localities. It is interesting to note that in the case of the small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions, the sea-change phenomena does not appear to be associated with the welfare/retirement characteristics of the larger places, but rather a different set of drivers appear to be operating. The key drivers of disadvantage are negative employment outcomes and the impact of declining agricultural incomes. Again it appears that the impact of economic restructuring and the inability of sunrise or emerging industries to provide employment generation in some localities has resulted in disadvantage (Beer et al. 2003). And moreover, the restructuring of the agricultural sector that has been a part of the discussion regarding the rural crisis (Gray and Lawrence 2001) is again important in understanding disadvantage.

Table 5.6a Selected individual variables, small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions
Source: 1 ABS Integrated Regional Data Base; 2 ABS CData 2001.

Table 5.6b Selected individual variables, small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions (continued)
Source: 1 ABS Integrated Regional Data Base; 2 ABS CData 2001.

Table 5.6c Selected individual variables, small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions (continued)
Source: 1 ABS Integrated Regional Data Base; 2 ABS CData 2001.

Table 5.6d Selected individual variables, small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions (continued)
Source: 1 ABS Integrated Regional Data Base; 2 ABS CData 2001.

Table 5.6e Selected individual variables, small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions (continued)
Source: 1 ABS Integrated Regional Data Base; 2 ABS CData 2001.

Table 5.6f Selected individual variables, small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions (continued)
Source: 1 ABS Integrated Regional Data Base; 2 ABS CData 2001.

Table 5.6g Selected individual variables, small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions (continued)
Source: 1 ABS Integrated Regional Data Base; 2 ABS CData 2001.

Table 5.6h Selected individual variables, small non-metropolitan cities, towns and regions (continued)
Source: 1 ABS Integrated Regional Data Base; 2 ABS CData 2001.

REFERENCES

Beer, A; Maude, A; Pritchard, B. Developing Australia’s Regions: Theory and Practice. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press; 2003.

Burney, I; Murphy P. Sea Change: Movement from Metropolitan to Arcadian Australia. Sydney: University of New South Wales Press; 2004.

Conway, K. ‘Can rural communities survive? The case of Hopetoun’. People and Place 1995; 3: 11–16.

Foreign Affairs and Trade. From Sheep’s Back to Cyberspace: Trade and Regional Australia in Changing Times. Canberra: National Capital Printing; 2001.

Forth, G; Howell, K. ‘Don’t cry for me Upper Wombat: The realities of regional/small town decline in non-coastal Australia’. Sustaining Regions 2002; 2: 4–11.

Gow, J. ‘Farm structural adjustment – an everyday imperative, incorporating comments on Lawrence’. Rural Society 1994; 4: 9–13.

Gray, I; Lawrence, G; Dunn, A. Coping with Change: Australian Farmers in the 1990s. Wagga Wagga: Centre for Rural Social Research; 1993.

Gray, I; Lawrence G. A Future for Regional Australia: Escaping Global Misfortune. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2001.

Kimberly Development Board. ‘Indicators of socio-economic benefits for development projects: The contribution of Western Metals Ltd in the Kimberley’. Unpublished Report, Kimberly Development Board: 1999.

Lawrence, G; Williams, C. ‘The dynamics of decline: Implications for social welfare delivery in rural Australia’. In: Cullen, T; Dunn, P; Lawrence, G, editors. Rural Health and Welfare in Australia. Wagga Wagga: Charles Sturt University; 1990. pp. 38–59.

Lockie, S; Bourke, L, editors. Rurality Bities: The Social and Environmental Transformation of Rural Australia. Annandale: Pluto Press Australia: 2001.

Macadam, R; Drinan, J; Inall, N; McKenzie, B. Growing the Capital of Rural Australia: The Task of Capacity Building. A report for the Rural Industries Research and Development Corporation. RIRDC Publication No. 04/034; 2004.

O’Connor, K; Kershaw, L. ‘Outsourcing, producer services and shifts in the geography of the Australian mining industry’. Australasian Journal of Regional Studies 1999; 5: 83.

Parker, F; Jarecki, S. ‘Transitions at the rural/urban interface: Moving in, moving out and staying put’. Paper presented at the State of Australian Cities Conference. December; 2003.

Pritchard, B; McManus, P, editors. Land of Discontent: The Dynamics of Change in Rural and Regional Australia. Sydney: UNSW Press; 2000.

Salt, B. The Big Shift: Welcome to the Third Australian Culture. South Yarra, Melbourne: Hardie Grant Books; 2001.

Sorenson, T. ‘The Australian country town: Present trends and future prospects’. Keynote address to the Australian and New Zealand Regional Science Association. Ballarat: 1992 December 7.

Stone, W. ‘Social capital, social cohesion and social security’. International Social Security Association Conference; September: 2000.

Tonts, M. ‘Economic restructuring and small town adjustment: evidence from the Western Australian central wheatbelt’. Rural Society 1996; 6: 24–33.

Cite this chapter as: Baum, Scott; O’Connor, Kevin; Stimson, Robert. ‘Good things come in small packages, but what about small towns?’. Fault Lines Exposed. Melbourne: Monash University ePress; 2005. pp. 05.1–05.24.

 

Fault Lines Exposed: Advantage and Disadvantage Across Australia’s Settlement System

   by Scott Baum, Kevin O’Connor & Robert Stimson